Before his 60 Minutes interview, Abdirizak Warsame stated that he found counsel in the online lectures of a radical imam and reflected on his decision to later testify against friends knowing he would be labeled a snitch or a traitor.

Warsame also revealed how the jihadis make recruits through a victimology narrative, the same dangerous propaganda that all too many Westerners have also bought into:


“The more I listened, the more my heart went out to those Muslims suffering around the world,” Warsame wrote. “Awlaki continued to speak about jihad and a holy war between the Muslims and disbelievers.

Warsame is currently awaiting sentencing for recruiting on behalf of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) said he planned to be an executioner for the terror group.

In an interview with “60 Minutes” on Sunday, Abdirizak Warsame told journalist Scott Pelley he had seen the videos of executions disseminated by the terror network on the internet.

“Yeah. I was going to be, I was going to be participating in those activities,” he said.

Pelley pressed him to explain his reasoning, asking if he would have killed people because they weren’t true Muslims.

“Right,” Warsame answered.

Warsame was arrested in December of 2015 and agreed to testify in a federal trial against recruits who tried to go to Syria.


Warsame was influenced by the radical teachings of Anwar al-Awlaki, an American imam who joined al Qaeda. Awlaki was killed by a drone strike in Yemen in 2011.

“The reason I wanted to go to Syria was I felt like it was my duty. I felt like it was something that I had to do,” said Warsame.

“And if I didn’t do it, I would be basically a disgrace to God. I would be a disgrace to the world. I would be a disgrace to my family.”

He described growing up between worlds, giving insight into how he was radicalized.

“I went to school with a lot of kids that were not Somali. And so I kind of got into that culture, you know, music. Going to prom, dancing, it’s hard to kind of explain that stuff to your parents when they kind of really don’t understand what it is.”

His mother was worried about the crowd he was spending time with, he told “60 Minutes,” so she encouraged him to go to the mosque. And while he connected to the message he heard there, the lessons were in Somali.

So Warsame searched online for an English-speaking imam and found Al-Awlaki.

“He explained how Islam was, you know, like, my calling. It was almost like he was talking to you. And like it made you feel like you were special, you know? And like you’re the chosen one,” he said of the video lectures.

He explained that several of his friends were similarly radicalized and described spending hours and hours watching such videos online.

“Most of the videos would talk about how if you would engage in jihad you would be doing your family a favor. And that you would be saving their lives from eternal hellfire,” Warsame said.

He and 11 friends decided they would fight in Syria. Two made it, and Warsame believes they are both now dead — and feels responsible.

“I believe I am responsible for their deaths and I think about that every day,” he said, adding that if he had made it to Syria he would probably be dead as well.

Eventually, after suspicion arose over a passport application, one member of the group was tracked down and convinced to work with the FBI. Warsame testified on behalf of the prosecution and is facing 15 years in prison.

“What I’ve done is something that nobody can be proud of,” he told “60 Minutes.” “It’s very shameful. I might be very remorseful, but I haven’t done any actions to correct those wrongs.”…

ISIS doesn’t matter. The idea of ISIS does. And the idea of ISIS is Islamic supremacism. The organization we think of ISIS has transformed and rebranded countless times. Even now our leaders vacillate between calling it ISIS, ISIL or, more childishly, Daesh, while it dubs itself the Islamic State. We have been fighting it in one form or another for over a decade. It would be unrealistically optimistic to assume that the war will end just as this old enemy has shown its ability to strike deep in our own cities.

The bigger error though is to think that we are fighting an organization. We are fighting an idea. That is not to contend, as Obama does, that we can debate it to death. It is not the sort of idea that argues with words, but with bullets, bombs and swords. But neither does it just go away if you seize a city.

The pseudo-allies we are aiding today will be the ones bombing us tomorrow!

And that is why claiming credit for beating ISIS accomplishes nothing. ISIS is an expression of an Islamic impulse encoded in the Koran. Islamic groups differ in the tactical expression of that impulse. ISIS was nastier and uglier than most of the Islamic terror groups we had dealt with before this. Though even it found its Boko Haram affiliate in Nigeria occasionally a little too much to stomach.

If ISIS vanishes from the world stage, Islamic terrorism will be easier to dismiss. Or so the thinking goes. The Islamic State was better at viral videos than the media that tried to whitewash Islamic terror. It was hard to ignore. But a scattering of Islamic terror groups around the world will be forgotten by the public.

History suggests that’s wishful thinking.

Islamic terrorism has shown no signs of receding. Growing Muslim populations, both at home and in Muslim settlements in the West, and the increase in travel and communications, the infrastructure of globalism, spread it from the most backward to the most advanced parts of the world. Wealthy and unstable Muslim countries, rich in oil but poor in power, finance its spread through mosques and guns.

These are the ingredients that give us ISIS or any other combination or letters that stands for Islamic terror. To do anything meaningful about it, we would have to reverse the decline of the West.

Islam originally spread into a vacuum created by civilizational decline. Civilizational decline is why it is rising once again. An obscure local terror group eventually turned into ISIS by filling a power vacuum. Even as Obama performs another touchdown dance, some other group will be making that same journey. Its mission will be the familiar one of replacing our civilization with its own.

Until we come to terms with this civilizational struggle, we will go on fighting endless wars in the sand and coping with endless terror attacks in our own cities because we have failed to recognize the nature of the enemy. We are not fighting an acronym, whether it’s ISIS or ISIL; we are fighting an Islamic State.

This is a war to determine whether the future will belong to the West or to Islam.

An analysis of thousands of leaked Islamic State documents reveals most of its recruits from its earliest days came with only the most basic knowledge of Islam. A little more than 3,000 of these documents included the recruit’s knowledge of Shariah, the system that interprets into law verses from the Quran and “hadith” — the sayings and actions of the Prophet Muhammad.

70 percent of ISIS recruits were listed as having just basic knowledge of Shariah — the lowest possible choice. Around 24 percent were categorized as having an intermediate knowledge, with just 5 percent considered advanced students of Islam. Five recruits were listed as having memorized the Quran.

The findings address one of the most troubling questions about IS recruitment in the United States and Europe: Are disaffected people who understand Shariah more prone to radicalization? Or are those with little knowledge of Islam more susceptible to the group’s radical ideas that promote violence?

The documents suggest the latter. The group preys on this religious ignorance, allowing extremists to impose a brand of Islam constructed to suit its goal of maximum territorial expansion and carnage as soon as recruits come under its sway.

Islamic State’s most notorious new supporters appear to have an equally tenuous link with religion. Mohamed Lahouaiyej Bouhlel, who killed 85 people by plowing a truck into a Bastille Day crowd in Nice, France, was described by family and neighbors as indifferent to religion, volatile and prone to drinking sprees, with a bent for salsa dancing and a reported male lover.

Unlike Omar Mateen, the Orlando attacker, Bouhlel did not make a public declaration of allegiance to Islamic State, much less prove he had direct ties to extremists in the war zone. Still, the group was quick to claim both as foot soldiers.

Nine of ten young men from the eastern French city of Strasbourg were all recruited by a man named Mourad Fares. One of them, Karim Mohammad-Aggad, described barhopping in Germany with Fares. He told investigators that IS recruiters used smooth talk to persuade him.

He’d traveled with his younger brother and friends to Syria in late 2013. Two died in Syria, and within a few months, seven returned to France and were arrested. Mohammad-Aggad’s brother, 23-year-old Foued, returned to Paris and was one of the three men who stormed the Bataclan in a night of attacks Nov. 13 that killed 130 people.

“My religious beliefs had nothing to do with my departure,” Karim Mohammad-Aggad told the court, before being sentenced to nine years in prison. “Islam was used to trap me like a wolf,” he said. IS data shows Karim and his brother Foued were among eight in the Strasbourg group listed as having “basic” knowledge of sharia.

Expressing a common sentiment shared by many Europeans of North African descent, Mohammed-Aggad told the court he felt like an immigrant in Algeria and a dirty Arab in France. After just a few months in Syria, he said he left IS because he was treated by the extremists as an apostate — someone who had renounced his religion.

When pressed by the judge on his knowledge of Shariah and how the IS group implements it, Mohammad-Aggad, a former gas station attendant, appeared dumbfounded, saying repeatedly: “I don’t have the knowledge to answer the question.”

One of his co-defendants, Radouane Taher, was also pressed by the judge on whether beheadings carried out by the IS group conformed to Islamic law. He couldn’t say for sure, answering: “I don’t have the credentials.”

That’s where Amazon comes in. The trial of longtime friends Mohammed Ahmed and Yusuf Sarwar, from the British city of Birmingham, revealed the 22-year-olds had ordered “The Koran for Dummies” and “Islam for Dummies” books in preparation for their trip to join extremists in Syria. They were arrested on their return to Britain and convicted in 2014 of terrorism offenses.

Patrick Skinner, a former CIA case officer with extensive experience with Mideast extremist organizations, said some people claim allegiance to IS out of religious belief, but that most who join, including those from the West, are people reaching for a sense of belonging, a sense of notoriety, a sense of excitement. Religion is an afterthought, said Skinner, who is also director of special projects at security consultancy the Soufan Group. Those who truly crave religious immersion would go to Al-Azhar in Cairo, he added, referring to the thousand-year-old seat of learning for Shariah and Quranic studies.

In its recent English language magazine Dabiq, dedicated largely to bolstering its own Muslim credentials, Islamic State dismissed Al-Azhar as part of an approach to subdue Muslims through appeasement with the West.

Mohammed Abdelfadel, an Islamic scholar who heads a German-language unit at Al-Azhar that tracks Islamic State propaganda and statements, said the group spews superficial notions about what is halal and haram, or what is permissible and forbidden in Islam. He says the group’s propaganda videos lionize IS fighters as masculine, strong martyrs going to heaven for the sake of God — counter to Islamic laws that forbid terrorism, the murder of non-combatants in war, the imposition of Islam on non-Muslims and other criminal activity.

The recruits’ Shariah knowledge is important because IS not only needs soldiers and suicide bombers, but administrators and Shariah officials to oversee its local courts and judges, who in turn promote IS ideology. It also matters because those who’ve claimed advanced knowledge in Shariah on the IS entry documents were less likely to want to become suicide bombers, according to a study by the US military’s Combating Terrorism Center, an academic institution at the United States Military Academy.

“If martyrdom is seen as the highest religious calling, then a reasonable expectation would be that the people with the most knowledge about Islamic law (Shariah) would desire to carry out these operations with greater frequency,” said the report. However, despite the religious justification that IS uses for suicide missions, “those with the most religious knowledge within the organization itself are the least likely to volunteer to be suicide bombers,” the study found.

Islamic scholar Tariq Ramadan said a close look at the IS group’s top commanders shows that many had no religious credentials but, instead, they once held senior positions under Saddam Hussein’s secular Baathist government. Ramadan teaches Islamic Studies at Oxford and has written numerous books on Islam and the integration of Muslims in Europe. He says Muslim scholars must demonstrate that what IS teaches is wrong. “The people who are doing this are not experiencing martyrdom, they are criminals. They are killing innocent people. Nothing in Islam, nothing ever can justify the killing of innocent people, never, ever.”



Authorities are sounding the alarm over many thousands of child marriages after noting that more and more Muslim girls are disappearing from school. The girls are forcibly married to older men, and the trend is being linked to the new wave of migrants who entered Occident over the past 18 months. 

Around the world, marriage is often idealized as ushering in love, happiness, and security. But for most Muslim girls, getting married is often one of the worst things that can happen. Roughly one in three Muslim girls marries before age 18; one in nine marries before turning 15.

The marriages are arranged. Child marriages often result in girls becoming pregnant at a young age and subsequently leaving school. Young refugees must be informed of their rights. Officials are also contemplating a change in law to refuse to accept an underage marriage that took place in a different country before the migrants arrived.

Many Muslims emulate pedophile Muhammad. Aisha was six years old when she was married to Muhammad and nine when the marriage was consummated. Muhammad would often just sit and watch her and her friends play with dolls, and on occasion he would even join them. Muhammad’s announcement of a revelation permitting him to enter into marriages disallowed to other men drew from Aisha the retort: It seems to me your Lord hastens to satisfy your desire! Tens of thousands of Aishas are being forced to marry elder man on a daily basis under the name of Islam in the 21st century. No one is even raising an eyebrow. 


Abu Ameenah Bilal Philips, a Canadian Muslim scholar and Imam and the Chancellor of the Islamic Online University , sees no wrong in the marriage between Muhammad and Aisha. In a lecture few years ago, Bilal Philips explained that Islam defines puberty, meaning menstruation and capability of bearing a child, as the dividing line between childhood and maturity.

According to two hadiths in Bukhari about 54-year-old Muhammad and 9-year-old Aisha:

“It is reported from Aisha that she said: The Prophet entered into marriage with me when I was a girl of six … and at the time of joining his household I was a girl of nine years of age.”

“Khadija died three years before the Prophet departed to Medina. He stayed alone for two years or so. He married Aisha when she was a girl of six years of age, and he consummated that marriage when she was nine years old.”

Debates and heated arguments are ongoing about what age Aisha was when Muhammad actually consummated his marriage with her, but it is plain from these hadith, the earliest and most reliable available sources, that it is mainstream belief in Islam to hold that Muhammad did marry Aisha when she was six and consummated the marriage when she was nine. Many Muslims invoke Muhammad’s example to justify raping children as a religious right, but Westerners are terrified to discuss these facts and their implications. To try to justify this or explain it away does no good to the female victims of incalculable human rights abuses that are justified under an Islamic banner.

The likes of Abu Ameenah Bilal Philips are given open forums with reprieves from feminists and so-called human rights advocates in the West. The fear of confronting this openly is revolting, and all the while those who do point out the truth are branded “Islamophobes.” Even worse, leaders who have the responsibility to protect innocents are aiding the perpetrators in the name of political correctness:

Police investigate alleged hate crime after flyers depicting Muhammad deflowering 9-year-old Aisha were sent in October 2016 to mailboxes in Edmonton, Alberta.

The flyers were factually correct, yet still labeled hate crimes.


Abu Ameenah Bilal Philips, a Canadian Muslim scholar and Imam and the Chancellor of the Islamic Online University , sees no wrong in the marriage between Mohammad and Aisha. In a lecture few years ago, Bilal Philips explained that Islam defines puberty, meaning menstruation and capability of bearing a child, as the dividing line between childhood and maturity. He claimed that 1400 years ago 9-year-old girls were more mature than children today and life was much shorter. However, he maintained that marrying a matured 9-year-old girl remains legitimate. “If a Muslim man in his 50s, even today, wanted to marry a young woman who was 9 or 10, she reached puberty, it is legitimate,” he said.

The following is a transcript of Bilal Philip’s lecture:

“So what is the way in which we should understand this? First and foremost, it is important for us to understand it within, you know, the context of the time, that in these times people have set laws in terms of what ages people can marry at, and what ages they can’t.

“They have set a certain set of laws where if one has relations with a woman who is, or a young lady, who is below a certain age then they will consider that to be paedophilia, and if she is a above that age that is considered to be, and it is consensual, consensual sex, was OK.

“The point is that when you go and look at the numbers across Europe, you’ll find that it varies from country to country, varying all the way from 12 to 18 to just depends on which country you go to, from France to Germany to Netherlands to Italy to Spain. You know you’re going around those different countries you’ll find the numbers varying from 12 to 18. So what may be considered acceptable relations in one country is considered to be paedophilia in another country. So they have numbers and they have set to define where consensual sex is acceptable or not.

“For us and Islam we have a natural principle, a natural dividing line, which is for a woman to be considered an adult or that she may be married and have sexual relations etc. that dividing line is puberty. That is a natural dividing line. Puberty is the body saying that that young lady is now capable of bearing a child. That’s what puberty is about for females, menstruation.

“So whether one, in this society, considers that person still to be a child or not, that’s not the issue. The issue is that biologically, she is now an adult capable of bearing a child.

“That is the bottom line and it’s a natural division, and that will take into account variations which exist amongst people, amongst tribes, areas of the world etc., because you’ll find that number varied.

“In Arabia, 9 was a common age for puberty, other countries it varied. So that was the point. This was the dividing line.

“When we’re talking about paedophilia, what is paedophilia anyway? Is paedophilia really adults going and marrying children? No.

“The paedophiles who are coming out of Britain and Germany, this is the most largest body of paedophiles, and the US, you know, going into Southeast Asia, to Thailand, to Sri Lanka, the Philippines, these countries where people are in poverty, right? and where you know young children have sold themselves, so sell their bodies to earn money, and where parents will be willing to sell their children for money.

“These people who go there, they’re going to marry these kids? No, They’re going there to abuse them, just to take pleasures and then leave. So it’s not about marriage at all.

“So when we look in terms of the Prophet’s [Mohammad], peace be upon him [PBUH], situation, this was marriage.

“So one, we have a natural dividing line – puberty. Two – we have the issue of whether it was marriage or whether it was sexual abuse.

“And when we consider really 1400 years ago what were the ages in which people are considered to be marriageable or not, I’m sure, I’m not, I haven’t studied British history or not, but I’m sure if you go back in British history 1400 years ago, and look at that marriage customs of that time, it’s not going to be any different. So he would end up having to go back and label the British kings as paedophiles and all other kind of things too.

“The point is that in the world at that time, they didn’t have, they had not set these old ages that we now find 18 and 16 and 18, this type of thing, as they have here today. People matured faster and life was shorter. You know if you made it to 50 you know you’re an old, really an old person, you know, this you’ve lived your life out.

“People died 35 as an old person, 35, 40, you died then you died ad an old person. So life was, people developed much faster. As soon as the child reached a certain age they were taught the basic things that a person should know how to run a family, take care of a home, cook and all the different things that were needed, children learned that. What we call children today learned that.

“So where today you can find a woman in her 20s studying in University, she still does not how to cook, she can’t iron, you know, she’s basically a baby, so going to university, I mean, there is something in those days that is inconceivable.

“So the attitude of society towards responsibility and all this kind of thing have changed. Consider Usama ibn Zayd, whom the Prophet PBUH made the head, military commander for the Muslim armies, 17 years old. Imagine putting you know 17 year old the head of the Pentagon, you know, he’s got his finger, he can press any button and send missiles all over the world. Hey, we would be in World War 3 in a minute, right?

“So we know that, there was a whole different level of maturity, people matured at a whole different pace. So we always have to look at these things within the context.

“And then we look at the consequences. People who have suffered from paedophilia in childhood. What about those people when they reach adulthood? These people have problems. They’ve got psychological problems. They’re going to psychiatrists and you know, they’ve got all kinds of.

Who was Aisha [9-year-old girl who was married to Mohammad, the founder and prophet of Islam]? Aisha was one of the leading scholars of the Ummah [Islamic nation], the fourth most prolific narrator of hadith [narrations attributed to Mohammad and his way of life and rulings], you know. Scholar of Sharia [Islamic Law], honored by the Ummah [Islamic nation].

“She was the person with you know psychological problems and all these kind of things and her life was shattered? No.

“So obviously, that whole marriage situation was a legitimate marriage. It had nothing to do with paedophilia in any way shape or form. It was a legitimate marriage which produced you know positive and good results. And it was a marriage of that time.

“But it remains legitimate, that if a Muslim man in his 50s, even today, wanted to marry a young woman who was 9 or 10, she reached puberty, it is legitimate.

“The fact that the world is not doing it, and most places people are not doing it, it doesn’t mean that it no longer is permissible. No. It remains.

“And in some societies, I know for example in India, though you know the whole issue of what they call child marriages, they tried to ban it. It is officially illegal, but they have shown that well over 50 percent of marriages taking place in India today, in spite of the banning and everything else, the girls are marrying under age what they consider to be underage, it is like 16.”

In one of his lectures (Published on YouTube on June 11, 2015), Bilal Philips addressed the “consequences of delaying in Marriage.” He argued the delaying the marriage bring about moral corruption, such as pornography, masturbation, lesbianism and homosexuality. The following is the transcript of Bilal Philips’ lecture:

“Here in our lives where this attitude of time, spare time, we have time, you don’t need to do this now, is the area of marriage. Young people when they reach the age of marriage. Parents are saying to them. Don’t get married, no. Wait, finish your studies and. Wait until you’ve got a job and you earned enough and you can build this thing and that, yeah, that’s the time. So that doesn’t happen until you are in your thirties. Right? That may be ok for the man. But for the woman it becomes a problem.

“It becomes a problem. Delaying Marriage. And the Prophet [Mohammad] peace be upon him told us: يا معشر الشباب من استطاع منكم الباءة فليتزوج O young people who ever among you are able should get married.

“He said get married young. Get married young and we delay. So what happens? Those years, which are the most critical years, the years in which hormones are flowing, desires are strong. We tell them don’t get married.

“So what happens? People just turn it off and say ok. Turn off the desires, I’ll carry on. No. They end up in corruption. Either they’re watching, you know, pornographic stuff, which they shouldn’t be watching the channels etc. Now that these things are all available in this society or they engage, get caught up in masturbation or something like this, whatever they’re going end up doing things that they don’t need to be doing things, which are harmful to them. harmful to the society.

“That’s the consequence. Once we delay it brings in corruption. Worse than that, you end up with lesbianism, homosexuality gets born out of those circumstances.

“So the harm is great. We should marry young. We should marry our children young. And just so that you don’t think he’s saying that. It’s easy for him to say that. You know, my son was 16 years old, I got him married at 16. His wife was 18.

“They now have 6 kids, live in Dubai. Having a happy life. A good life God Willing (انشالله). My other son who just turned 17, he’s going to get married in August, God Willing, his wife is 15. So it can be done.

“You know who am I, you know, I‘m a convert Muslim. When I was studying in [the City of] Madeenah, I met one brother. Saudi in Madeenah. He had gotten married when he was 3 years old. I was shocked, 3 years old. Yeah, he got married [when] his wife was 2 and he was 3. Yeah. Not a problem. Praise be to Allah [الحَمْد لله] they are happily married, have bunch of kids and, you know, sure.

“When the Prophet [Muhammad] peace be upon him said, marry young and have a lot of kids, you see, he has all the opportunity. I mean you’ll be able to to to play with your great grandchildren, you know, you would not be so old you can’t even, you know, you’re lying on the bed all you can do is look at them and you can actually go and play with them, your great grandchildren.

“So, Praise be to Allah, I’m not going to say that you have to go and do that with your kids now, but I‘m just saying that you know, it works. There’s no harm in it in fact it prevents corruption and prevents corruption.”

In his book “Contemporary Issues” from 2002, which was accessible for downloading in the online library of the website Muslims of Calgary, Bilal Philips among other things justified the rationale of early marriage in Islam.

The following are excerpts from Bilal Philips’ book:


“The Prophet (PBUH) has been accused of being a pedophile due his marriage to Aa’ishah at the age of 9…

“3. Islam sets the age of marriage at puberty, as it is the natural dividing line between childhood and adulthood. Menstruation indicates that a young girl has reached childbearing age. This age may vary from country to country, but it is discernible and not arbitrary…

“5. Islam stipulates that a girl or boy married before puberty will not live with their spouse until they have attained puberty. Furthermore, they have the right to cancel or proceed with the marriage when they reach puberty.

“6. Aa’ishah was seven when she was married off to the Prophet (PBUH) and she came to live with him when she reached puberty at nine…”

Canadian Imam: Muslim girls are eligible for marriage at the age of 8 years and 9 months

Sayyid Muhammad Rizvi, the Imam of the Islamic Shia Ithna Asheri Jamaat of Toronto and the Jaffari Islmic Centre in Thornhill Woods, discusses in his book “Marriage and Morals in Islam” the Islamic law and rulings regarding to the age of puberty and early marriage.

The followings are excerpts from chapter three “The Islamic Sexual Morality (2) Its Structure”:

“Sexual desire is aroused in human beings at the age of puberty. In Islamic legal definition puberty (bulugh) is determined by one of the following: 1. age: fifteen lunar years for boys and nine lunar years for girls…”

“Since the sexual urge begins at puberty and as Islam says that sexual urge should be fulfilled only through marriage, it has allowed marriage as soon as the boy and the girl reach the age of puberty. In the case of girls, it not only allows them to be married as soon as they become mature, but also recommends such marriage. It is based on such teachings that Islam discourages girls from postponing their marriage because of education; instead, it says that girls should get married and then continue their education if they wish to do so.”

“Physical maturity by itself, however, is not enough for a person to handle the marriage responsibilities; rushd (maturity of mind) is equally important…”

“If a person does not marry soon after maturing and finds it difficult to control his or her sexual desire, then the only way to fulfill the sexual desire is mut’a.”

“In Islamic laws, according to the Shi’ah fiqh, marriage is of two types: da’im, permanent and munqati’, temporary. The munqati’ marriage is also known as mut’a…”

“I cannot overemphasize the temporary nature of mut’a. The message of Islam is quite clear: marry on a permanent basis; if that is not possible, then adopt temporary abstinence; if that is not possible, only then use the mut’a marriage.”

Nine years in lunar year, the minimum age according Islam for girl to marry, is in fact 8 years and nine months in solar year, as the lunar year is shorter by 11-12 days of the solar year.

These Islamic rulings regarding the age of puberty are being taught in Islamic schools in North America. For instance, the textbook for 7 Grade students of the Islamic Shia Study Centre West Madrasah (ISSC) in Brampton, Ontario explains the definition of puberty in Islam, and consequently the duties (wajib) applicable to all mature males and females.

The following is an excerpt from “Lesson 6 Gender-Specific (for Girls)” appears on page 100 of the aforementioned textbook which also appeared on the site of :

“Signs of Bulugh

As boys and girls grow into men and women, they change physically and emotionally. This age of maturity is also called the age of puberty (or bulugh in Arabic). Boys mature (become bāligh) closer to the ages of 13-15 years. Girls mature earlier and in Islām are considered to be bāligha from the age of 9 (i.e. on her 9th Islāmic birthday).



The rape of a ten-year-old girl in Leipzig, the largest city in Saxony, has drawn renewed attention to the spiraling levels of violent crime perpetrated by ragheads in cities and towns across Germany — and the lengths to which German officials and the media go to censor information about the perpetrators of those crimes.

The girl was riding her bicycle to school at seven o’clock in the morning on October 27 when a raghead ambushed her, threw her to the ground and raped her. The suspect is described as being in his mid-thirties with short brown hair and a stubble beard.

The German press is no longer the Lügenpresse (Lying Press). The expression is far too weak. No, it is a one-sided, cheap and primitive Lumpenpresse (Scoundrel Press). Whoever looks at the undiluted lying essays of the media against Donald Trump in the last year cannot but become sick. 

Thilo Sarrazin points out stupid ragheads are taking over Germany exactly as the Kosovars took over Kosovo, via a higher birth rate. A large number of ragheads in Germany have no productive function other than in the fruit and vegetable trade. The lower the class, the higher the birth rates. Germans are, on average, becoming dumber in a natural way. Forty per cent of all births occur in the underclasses. German educated population is becoming stupider from generation to generation.

Violent crime — including rapes, sexual and physical assaults, stabbings, home invasions, robberies, burglaries and drug trafficking — has skyrocketed in Germany since Merkel welcomed into the country more than one million mostly male migrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Few, if any, of the migrants were vetted before being allowed to enter Germany.

EU is covering up the taharrush epidemic now. Taharrush gamea, harassment collective, ‎is the sexual assault of women in public by large groups of Muslims. The term gained prominence in EU due to millions of rapefugees.

Typically acting under the protective cover of large gatherings, Muslims encircle a woman, while outer rings of Muslims form to deter rescuers. The attackers may pretend to be rescuers, adding to the confusion. Women have reported groping, penetration of the vagina and anus with fingers, hair pulling, having their clothes removed, being pulled in different directions, and being beaten, bitten, raped and robbed. Women find themselves in a Muslim circle of hell, Muhammad’s ring of fire, courtesy of Merkel who invited those apes to EU.

Taharrush is a symptom of a misogynous Muslim ideology in which women are regarded as fair game for groping or even punishment for being in public. The attacks last from a few minutes to over an hour. The men are usually in their 20s and 30s. Victims have been aged seven to seventy.  Taharrush reminds you of harpooning a whale.

One victim described how a circle of men formed around her: The last thing I heard was “don’t worry,” followed by screaming … At first they tried to rip my bag out of my hands; I then felt hands all over my body, tearing down my trousers and long jacket; they were undoing its clips. … They pulled my trousers and pants down, but couldn’t get them all the way down because I was wearing boots that they couldn’t manage to get off … I felt hands touch me from all directions, and I was moved, almost carried, inside the circle as people continued saying: “don’t worry.” They were saying that while violating me …

Perpetrators regularly claim to be helping the women when in fact they are attacking them, which increases the difficulty for rescuers. The women may try to fight people coming to their assistance, not knowing who to trust. People genuinely trying to help can find themselves being beaten and sexually assaulted too.

Surprised? Don’t be. The Qur’an teaches that Infidel women can be lawfully taken for sexual use (cf. its allowance for a man to take “captives of the right hand,” 4:3, 4:24, 23:1-6, 33:50, 70:30). The Qur’an says: “O Prophet, tell your wives and your daughters and the women of the believers to bring down over themselves of their outer garments. That is more suitable that they will be known and not be abused. And ever is Allah Forgiving and Merciful.” (33:59) The implication there is that if women do not cover themselves adequately with their outer garments, they may be abused, and that such abuse would be justified.

The Islamic world is steeped in misogyny. The Quran explicitly states that a woman is worth only half a man (Suras 2: 228, 2: 282, 4:11), that women are unclean (5:6), and that a man can have sex with his wife whenever he wants (24:31). The Koran even says that men are allowed to have sex slaves (4:24), and that they have the right to rape women whom they have captured (24:31).

The hadiths, the descriptions of the life of Muhammad, the ideal human being whose example all the Islamic faithful must follow, confirm that women are sex objects, that they are inferior beings like dogs and donkeys, and that there is nothing wrong with sexual slavery and raping female prisoners.

Taharrush is quite common in Islamic countries. Women are frequently surrounded by men and subsequently abused. Women are victims simply because they are women and not because they have provoked the men by their conduct or provocative clothing. It can happen in the streets, public transport, supermarkets, or during protest demonstrations.

Along with the flow of migrants from the Islamic world, Taharrush also reached Europe. The elite tried to keep it hidden from the people, but they cannot do so anymore. Now, millions of women in Cologne, Zurich, Stockholm, Malmo, Vienna, and every other European city experience rapists standing behind the door if they dare take to the streets.

Migrants committed 208,344 crimes in 2015, according to a confidential police report leaked to us. This figure represents an 80% increase since 2014 and is equivalent to 570 crimes committed by migrants every day, or 23 crimes each hour, in 2015 alone.

One billion niggers and ragheads plan to invade EU! Muslims around the world, especially in Europe where their numbers have burgeoned in recent times, are wreaking havoc. It is this mass of humanity that could pose Europe’s next huge migrant crisis. The chaos in Africa is definitely increasing. The situation in Mali and Niger is already very unstable. And then the German chancellor comes along and announces that Europe’s doors are open. Simply consider for a moment how that catches on with these people.

When one speaks of Syrian refugees, this concerns 14 million. But one billion more living in poor countries are setting out for the rich, western world. A colossal mass, which, when it is once set in motion, is scarcely still controllable. To avoid such a frightening prospect and human tragedy, a radical swing in communication has to be made. EU must clearly state that economic migrants should not even bother to set out on the journey at all.

Integration into the job market for migrants has become a major ongoing task for the German government, but migrants refuse to work. One of the major issues of the migrant crisis is Germany and elsewhere has been the economic impact the massive wave of migrants will have in Europe. While some experts initially were optimistic about a potential vast new source of skilled labor, now they found out the migrants who have arrived are for the most part unskilled, poorly educated, and lazy.

Yet in some towns, they have moved past the usual barriers but the migrants have declared they don’t want to work anyway! Some mayors thought creating jobs for the migrants who resided at the asylum homes would help alleviate their boredom in waiting for their claims to be processed. The mayors are disappointed that having gone to the trouble of creating job opportunities they have been rejected outright by the migrants. The migrants claim they do not have to work at all because they are guests of Merkel who invited them to Germany!

The actual number of migrant crimes is far higher, however: the report, produced by the Federal Criminal Police Office (Bundeskriminalamt, BKA), includes only crimes that have been solved (aufgeklärten Straftaten). According to police statistics, on average only around half of all crimes committed in Germany in any given year are solved (Aufklärungsquote). This implies that the actual number of crimes committed by migrants in Germany in 2015 may have exceeded 400,000.

During the first six months of 2016, migrants committed 142,500 crimes, according to a BKA report released on September 6. This is equivalent to 780 crimes committed by migrants every day, or 32.5 crimes each hour, an increase of nearly 40% over 2015. Again, the 2016 data includes only those crimes in which a migrant suspect has been caught. Crimes similar to the rape in Leipzig would not appear in the statistics because the suspects remain at large.

Many German government officials have claimed that the long term effects of mass migration will be a benefit to the German economy, though more economists are arguing it will have the opposite effects. Large corporations in Germany have hired hardly any migrants since the start of the migrant crisis, many arguing that even if migrants have the skills for complex professions, they lack basic German language skills which relegate them to simpler labor and retail positions. Many migrants have used German hospitality to commit crimes and live a life of luxury that would not be possible in their homelands.

Mutter Terroresia Merkel definitely needs a shrink! The simple presence of millions of Muslims in Germany, among them many peuso-refugees from fundamentalist-oriented Islamic countries, in which Christians are fair game, should indeed speak for an acute threat. But Germany is slumbering in a naïve Gutmenschen twilight sleep until the Islamic apocalypse really starts. Everything that has happened up until now is merely a lame intro for that which still is ahead of us.

Despite best intentions, Germany has, instead, dead people on its conscience. Many people understood Merkel’s words as an invitation and only after that did they actually set out on the dangerous journey, sacrifice their savings and entrust their lives to dubious smugglers.

Meant as a humanitarian gesture, Merkel’s announcement had the opposite effect in regard to migrants’ safety and well-being. The refugees were already in safe, third states, such as Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon, and did not come to Germany directly from war and crisis countries. But it was this invitation that caused them to leave these relatively safe havens, where most lived in tolerable conditions, and risk their lives on the arduous trip to Germany.

With her communication, Merkel made migrants out of refugees. And for some, the journey was deadly. Three-year-old Alan Kurdi was the most famous child/refugee death that occurred after Merkel’s invitation. Along with his mother and a sibling, he drowned trying the smuggler’s route of reaching Europe, travelling by boat with his family from the Turkish coast to a nearby Greek island. A picture of him lying dead on a Turkish beach where his little body washed up flashed around the world, generating deep concern and much sympathy for the migrants.  His father paid smugglers seven thousand euros.

While there is no exact figure regarding how many unfortunates have lost their lives on the trek to and through Europe, drowning deaths have increased in recent months. Thousands perished trying to reach the Greek islands. And many of those who drowned were also children like Kurdi. They obviously would be the least able to fend for themselves in an emergency.

And even if the migrants reach the Promised Land, the affluence heaven of Germany, their suffering often does not end there. In fact, for some, this may constitute the worst part of their ordeal. In the refugee asylums life can be very dangerous. As is now well known, violence between young men of different ethnic groups is rampant, and the police’s ability to control it is minimal. But even worse, it is the women and children in these cramped accommodations who are most often victims of sexual assault.

Sheer survival should be done in the secure neighboring countries of the conflict regions. These neighboring nations are the ones legally obligated under international treaties for accepting them. They are also much easier and much safer to reach than Europe for those fleeing war.

Genuine refugees have no claim to a place in Europe. This claim should not even being discussed, it a false debate. Under international law, the European Union is not responsible for the acceptance of refugees. It is however responsible for securing its own borders, either together or, when that is not possible, then just every state on its own.

The recent, mass influx of migrants will, in the end, benefit neither Syria nor Germany. Regarding Syria, educated and qualified Syrian migrants will want to set down roots in Germany. But these are exactly the people Syria will need to rebuild once the fighting stops.

As for Germany, the arrival of such large numbers of migrants will make integration difficult. And the more that arrive, the more challenging the integration task will become. For then the necessity to really open oneself language-wise and culturally to the host country sinks.  There will be many difficulties to control parallel societies. Merkel has definitely burdened Germany and Europe with a colossal problem, which no longer can be so simply solved.

The refusal of Merkel to reverse her completely irrational migrant policy is evidence of a mental breakdown that endangers society. Stubborn Merkel has lost touch with reality. Rapefugees enjoy impunity for rapes and many other crimes, because they were invited by Merkel to enrich multiculturalism in Germany!

Migrant crime statistics for all of 2016, when they become available, are likely to show a significant increase over the 2015 numbers. One reason for this is that thousands of migrants who entered the country as “asylum seekers” or “refugees” have gone missing. They are, presumably, economic migrants who entered Germany on false pretenses. Many are thought to be engaging in robbery and criminal violence to sustain themselves.

Most of the crimes committed by migrants are being downplayed by German authorities, apparently to avoid fueling anti-immigration sentiments. For example, the BKA report states that most of the migrant crimes involve fare evasion — using public transportation without a ticket. As for other crimes, almost invariably they are said to be isolated incidents (Einzelfälle), not part of a nationwide problem.

The evidence points to a nationwide surge in migrant crime: cities and towns in all 16 of Germany’s federal states are affected. In fact, local police in many parts of the country admit that they are stretched to the limit and are unable to maintain law and order.

The growing sense of lawlessness is substantiated by an October 24 YouGov poll which found that 68% of Germans believe that security in the country has deteriorated during the past several years. Nearly 70% of respondents said they fear for their lives and property in German train stations and subways, while 63% feel unsafe at large public events.

In Hamburg, statistics show that migrants committed nearly half of the 38,000 crimes reported in Hamburg during the first six months of 2016, although migrants make up only a fraction of the city’s 1.7 million inhabitants. Police say that many of the crimes were committed by “migrant gangs” (ausländischen Banden).

City police say they are helpless to confront a spike in crimes committed by young North African migrants. Hamburg is now home to more than 1,800 so-called unaccompanied minor migrants (minderjährige unbegleitete Flüchtlinge, MUFL), most of whom live on the streets and apparently engage in all manner of criminal acts, including purse snatching.

More than 20,000 purses are snatched in Hamburg every year. Most of those are stolen by ragheads between the ages of 20 and 30, according to Norman Großmann, the director of the federal police inspector’s office in Hamburg. In recent months, police have carried out operations to confront the problem, but the actions have yielded few arrests.

Local media report that gangs of migrant youth have effectively taken over parts of the Jungfernstieg, one of the most prestigious boulevards in Hamburg. Many citizens are avoiding the area, which recently underwent a multi-million euro rehabilitation, because it has become too dangerous.

Merkel suffers from narcissism brought on by people lauding her position as mother of the nation and most powerful woman in the world, and calling for her to have been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The artificially inflated self-image she labors under leads to the stubborn attitude on display by her during the ongoing migrant crisis.

Merkel has not, in fact, taken any difficult decisions or displayed genuine leadership. She reacts to situations rather than leads, something which testifies to her uncertainty and an underlying lack of self-worth. The result of this is that she tends to make emotional decisions which meet immediate popular approval instead of making difficult but rational moves. For example, the Merkel policy of phasing out nuclear power after the Fukushima nuclear disaster, a decision she took knowing most Germans backed the move.

The second emotional decision she took was to open Germany’s borders to Syrian migrants. Although met with worldwide approval as a great humanitarian gesture, it was actually poorly thought through, as hindsight confirms. Now her refusal to move represents a danger to Germany.

Overachievers such as Merkel, often suffer from self-esteem deficit, inferiority, and insecurity. That is not a problem when sufferers enjoy success and recognition, but it does lead to hubris and immunity to criticism which means that when things go wrong people can become prone to loneliness and mental breakdown. A psychological or psychosomatic collapse is imminent.

With ever more defiant reactions to criticism seeing the Chancellor digging her heels in rather than change course, there is a very real risk to Germany. By insisting on sticking with policies which no longer enjoy the support of a majority, she contributes to the breakdown of German society.

It’s obnoxious that all Europeans have to suffer just because Merkel desires a Nobel Prize for peaceful Islamization of EU.  A failed physicist who could never dream of a Nobel Prize for physics, might get a Nobel Prize for peace by selling all Europeans!  And if EU fell to Islam, USA would be next.  Don’t let Merkel do that to you.

Juncker, Merkel, and Avramopoulos must resign right now. Enough is enough of their nonsense. These clowns support the Islamization of EU and Turkey’s membership in EU!  Moreover, they promised visa-free travel to Turks.  You could imagine all these Turkish hoi polloi swarming EU, running amuck in European streets imposing sharia and jihad!

To prevent a rebirth of 1930s-style political violence Merkel must go. Within Merkel’s conservatives, there are those who have begun envisioning a government without the party’s current leader. Transportation Minister Alexander Dobrindt, a member of the Christian Social Union (CSU), the Bavarian sister party to Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU), openly criticizes Merkel, something that generally isn’t done. In the past, mutiny on the part of government-level ministers has been a sign that a chancellor may soon be forced out of office.

More than 50 people have been physically assaulted along the Jungfernstieg since the beginning of 2016, and police are being called in almost daily to respond to complaints of aggressive begging, public drunkenness, drug dealing and sexual assault. Restaurant owners are complaining about a spike in robbery and vandalism, and taxi drivers say they are avoiding the area, where Arabic and Farsi are commonplace.

Unaccompanied minor migrants at a refugee shelter in the Hammerbrook district are “working” at the Jungfernstieg. Stashes of mobile phones, laptops and other stolen goods were recently found hidden in their rooms. Police also arrested a 20-year-old Egyptian named Hassan who repeatedly attacked passersby with a knife. He was filmed groping a girl’s breasts and genitals. When she resisted, he punched her in the face.

Residents of the Alsterdorf district in Northern Hamburg have asked their mayor to do something about a group of 40 highly aggressive unaccompanied minor migrants who are terrorizing the neighborhood. Residents complain about burglaries, robberies and even extortion. A 65-year-old resident said she was attacked by a ten-year-old who was trying to break into a car. A 45-year-old business owner said he is afraid to confront the youths because they might smash his windows. A 75-year-old pensioner said he no longer dares to step outside of his house after dark.

Thomas Jungfer, the deputy director of the German Police Union (DPolG) in Hamburg, warns that the city does not have enough police officers to maintain law and order. He says that private security companies are needed to fill in the gaps. “Dissatisfaction among our colleagues is growing,” he said.

In nearby Bremen, police have effectively surrendered the fight against organized crime run by clans of ragheads  because of the need to pour limited personnel resources into the fight against spiraling street crime by unaccompanied migrant youths.

Rainer Wendt, head of the German Police Union (DPolG) has criticized city officials for their lack of resolve. “Bremen has capitulated to extremely dangerous clans. The state’s monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force [Gewaltmonopol des Staates] is now becoming the law of the jungle. Security continues to go down the drain.”

In Berlin, criminal migrant clans “with strong group loyalties” are operating with impunity in the districts of Neukölln, Wedding, Moabit, Kreuzberg and Charlottenburg. The newsmagazine, Focus, reported that the Kottbusser Tor area in Kreuzberg, an area with many migrants, has become a “legal vacuum” because of a reduced police presence. The place has been overrun with drug trafficking, crime and violence, and residents and shopkeepers report crimes every hour, every day on public streets. A shopkeeper said: “In the past, children could run around here freely. Also, no one paid attention to whether the bag or backpack are secure. Today all this is no longer possible.”

During the day the area is full of heroin corpses, and at night pickpockets are on the go. A private security guard said: “Drug trafficking takes place right before our eyes. If we intervene, we are threatened, spat on, insulted. Sometimes someone whips out his knife. They are always the same people. They are ruthless, fearless and have no problems with robbing even the elderly.”

His colleague added: “Of course, we always call the police. The last time, however, they took two hours to get here.”

In the Rhine-Ruhr region, the largest metropolitan region in Germany, police statistics show that Algerians committed more than 13,000 crimes in 2015, more than twice as many as in 2014. Moroccans committed 14,700 crimes, and Tunisians more than 2,000 crimes.

In North Rhine-Westphalia, a report by the interior ministry revealed that Moroccans committed 6,208 crimes in 2015. Algerians committed 4,995 crimes and Tunisians 1,084. These are significant increases compared to previous years.

According to the NRW Interior Ministry, “Immigrants from North African are increasingly disproportionate as offenders — mainly in large cities. The suspects are most often single young men. Their criminal specialties are robbery and assault.”

In Düsseldorf, local politicians have been accused of ignoring the growing threat posed by violent gangs of migrants from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. The city is home to a total of 2,244 criminal suspects from North Africa, the majority of them (1,256) from Morocco. On average, they commit an offense every 3.5 hours. A police inspector said: “The group as a whole is disrespectful and absolutely without shame.”

In Stuttgart, police are fighting a losing battle against migrant gangs from North Africa who are dedicated to pickpocketing. In the Rems-Murr district near Stuttgart, rival gangs of migrant youth from the Balkans are “stealing anything that is not nailed down.” Roma and Kosovar youth skip school to go on daily forays systematically to break into cars to steal cell phones and other valuables. They also enter doctor’s offices, residences for the elderly, kindergartens and schools to ransack handbags and jackets.

In Aalen, a 14-year-old Kosovar has a police file with more than 100 entries. A local newspaper reports: “All attempts by the police, judiciary and youth welfare office to instill in him a sense of right and wrong and to re-socialize him have so far failed. On Facebook he brags about his undertakings and his love for gangster rap.”

In Leipzig, the public transportation system has become a magnet for criminals. The number of reported cases of theft on public transport jumped 152% between 2012 and 2015. The number of physical and sexual assaults on public transportation are also up. Overall, the number of reported crimes in buses and trams jumped 111% between 2012 and 2015, and the number of reported crimes at bus stops during that period were up by 40%.

Leipzig police attribute the spike in crime to the rapid increase in the city’s population. They could not confirm the nationality of the perpetrators, however, because that would require a review of each of the crimes, a task that would “exceed the personnel-time capacity.”

In Dresden, migrants from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia have effectively taken control over the iconic Wiener Platz, a large public square in front of the central train station. There they sell drugs and pickpocket passersby, often with impunity. Police raids on the square have become a game of “whack-a-mole,” with a never-ending number of migrants replacing those who have been arrested.

In Schwerin, roving bands of migrant youths armed with knives have made the city center increasingly dangerous day and night. City officials have drawn up an action plan to regain control of the streets. A centerpiece of the plan calls for the deployment of more social workers (Straßensozialarbeit) to promote integration.

In Bavaria, Sigrid Meierhofer, the mayor of the resort town of Garmisch-Partenkirchen complained that local police have responded to more migrant-related crimes during the past six weeks than in all of the previous 12 months combined. In a letter to the Bavarian government, she threatened to close a shelter in the town that houses 250 mostly male migrants from Africa if public safety and order cannot be restored. She has also warned female residents of the town to avoid being outside after dark.

CSU head Horst Seehofer intends to heap pressure on Merkel for as long as it takes until she changes course. He isn’t trying to push her out of office, but if she doesn’t acquiesce, there are some in the conservative camp who could easily imagine Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble taking over the reins of government.

It hasn’t come that far yet, but a critical mass is slowly coalescing. In a letter to the chancellor, 44 conservative parliamentarians voiced their opposition to Merkel’s course. Austria announced the introduction of a cap on refugees. The chancellor is becoming increasingly isolated.

As much as the decision to open the borders itself, what amazes many observers is the stubbornness with which Merkel has maintained her political course. Neither the terror attacks in Paris nor the sexual assaults on New Year’s Eve in Cologne — neither the indignation of furious German citizens nor the warnings from within her own party — has led Merkel to question her decision to keep Germany’s borders open.

Merkel had decided to fight for an issue. She had saved for so long and carefully protected her power — now she was intent on spending her political capital. It was only then that the Germans began getting to know the real Angela Merkel.

Angela Merkel wanted to give Germany a friendly, humanitarian face. And it worked for a few weeks. But now, the German face has become a grimace. Merkel is disappointed that her party and the German people ultimately declined to follow her lead. But she herself failed to link her message of welcome together with a solid plan for at least halfway controlling the influx of refugees. That is ultimately what caused the mood in Germany to shift, what triggered opposition in the rest of Europe and what propelled the right-wing populists to unprecedented heights. That is also on Merkel.

It could still be that Merkel will find her way back to her old pragmatism and will pursue the Plan B of turning back most refugees at the Slovenian border. Such a plan would allow the continuation of border-free travel in the Schengen Zone, but it would mean that people would be stranded in the Balkans or in Greece — and Germany would contribute to Europe showing its ugly face.

We endorse the Alternative for Germany, Alternative für Deutschland, AfD, a Eurosceptic political party founded in 2013.  AfD is currently led by Frauke Petry and Jörg Meuthen.

The popularity of the AfD is no accident. It is positioning itself as the brainchild of Germany’s intellectual elite and is focussing on the issues most relevant to ordinary Germans. It is run by a combination of leading German economists, lawyers, businessmen and journalists and the party’s maxim is to restore democratic values, reinstate the state of law and return to economic common sense. The party is calling for an end to European centralization and the repatriation of legislative powers and budget control to national governments.

The main objective of the Alternative for Germany party is to abandon the policy for saving the euro, review Germany’s debt guarantee policy and return to the Deutschmark. The party is critical of the country’s tax legislation, the energy pricing system, which places a heavy burden on the population, and the lack of incentives to stimulate the country’s birth rate.

With regard to the country’s immigration policy, ordinary and undereducated people from other countries should not be accepted into Germany according to the leaders of the AfD and this is in their own interests, since they will be unable to adapt to modern society and will have no chance of finding work.

The size of the party is growing rapidly. Since it was founded two years ago, it has increased fivefold and now has 25,000 registered members. In recent months, AfD and Pegida have joined efforts, which could lead to the emergence of a broad anti-government front.

The danger for Merkel is not just growing from the outside, however. An uprising against her policy is flaring up within the CDU itself. 126 CDU functionaries, including 38 Landtag deputies, wrote a Brandbrief, incendiary letter, that criticized her open borders policy, putting an end to the internal unity of this previously united party. The party members’ main demand was for their leader to close Germany’s borders to refugees arriving from stable countries. Merkel dismissed the demand, but the letter continues to make its way around the party’s Land organizations, gathering more and more signatures. The signatories include well-known functionaries from the top echelons of the CDU in Berlin and Lower Saxony, European Parliament deputies, and others.

The situation with the CDU’s main ally – the Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU) – is not faring any better. CSU chairman Horst Seehofer is threatening Angela Merkel with serious political and legal consequences if her open borders policy fails. He is prepared to go far, to the point of breaking up the coalition, and is threatening to withdraw three of his ministers from the cabinet (the ministers for transport, agriculture and development) if the CSU’s demands regarding limiting the influx of refugees to 200,000 per year are not met. And to make sure Merkel knows full well that he is not joking, Seehofer is promising to begin proceedings to check that her policy complies with constitutional requirements. He intends to achieve a significant reduction in the number of refugees as early as the next few weeks.

Far from diminishing support for the right, Merkel’s strategy to demonize AfD appears to have helped galvanize the resistance. As unsettling as that is to Germany’s mainstream, AfD may be just what the country needs to help defuse the charged atmosphere that has led to an explosion of violence against foreigners.

Libertarian parties, however unsavory they may be to the mainstream, can help defuse radical tendencies by giving voters who feel abandoned by the political establishment a voice. Contrary to common wisdom, the level of violence tends to be low where extreme right and racist parties are strong and vice versa. The advantage of such parties is that they channel, intercept, and divert the frustration felt by many voters.

Germany’s political class has long taken pride in the failure of the far right to secure a toehold here. The reason has less to do with history or the sophistication of German voters than the Balkanization of Merkel’s conservative coalition. For decades, the Bavarian branch served as the voice of Germany’s right, often indulging in chest-thumping traditionalist rhetoric on immigration and questions of social mores.

Under Merkel, it has struggled to play that role. On issues such as the euro and refugees, the chancellor has staked out positions more in sync with the Social Democrats than her own party base. Even though the Bavarians have tried to take a tougher line, they ultimately have no choice but to support Merkel. The reason is that if they abandoned her in parliament, her coalition has enough votes to remain in power.

A large number of voters on the right side of the political spectrum don’t feel their views are represented by the mainstream parties.  It was a major blunder for the CDU to let its right flank slip away. This has created a void that parties like the AfD can profit from.

Further worsening matters for Merkel is that her government has appeared hopelessly divided over how to manage the crisis.

AfD was born out of opposition to Merkel’s support for the bailouts of Greece and other Eurozone countries. The party has since shifted to the right, expunging those in its leadership who failed to support an anti-immigrant message.

Most of its current support comes from disgruntled CDU voters, the protest vote. For the party to succeed in the longer term, it will need to avoid tipping too far into the extremist camp. While many Germans sympathize with traditional right-wing ideas on immigration and Europe, they reject more extremist views.

With all of the parties represented in parliament supporting Merkel’s refugee policies to varying degrees, AfD has an obvious opening. The party has the potential to draw up to 25 percent of the vote. Such a development would further fracture Germany’s political landscape, leaving Merkel’s conservatives in the same dilemma as the Social Democrats, which have seen their support eroded by the emergence of a populist far left party. Most Germans say the refugees bring more disadvantages than advantages to the country.

In these times of our Multicoloured Republic [Bunten Republik], the regime has always justified its ethnic settlement policy with the advice that more Turks, more Arabs and more Nigerians constitute more “enrichment” for Germany (“these people with their joy of life…”) [Maria Böhmer, CDU, Minister of State in the Foreign Office]. The regime has always communicated very clearly in word and deed that the policy of a total ethnic restructuring (Umstrukturierung) is intended; Germany is going to be ethnically and culturally transformed. While it is true that this process of total ethnic restructuring has attained a new, much more radical dimension under Merkel, it is, nevertheless, on the whole part of a longstanding political continuity.

What term, therefore, lends itself most suitably to this deliberately precipitated, total ethnic restructuring?

First and foremost, this is clearly a classical settlement policy. New ethnic groups are settled in the traditional settlement area of another ethnic group in order to accomplish specific political objectives. These objectives could be anything, depending on the political leaning. The settlement policy of Stalinism aimed at the destruction of established, organised ethnic structures within the framework of the fight against all forms of opposition. The planned (but never implemented) settlement policy of the Third Reich aimed at a gradual — at first almost unnoticed — but steadily increasing dissolution of East European ethnic groups [Völker] into the Germanic stock. Even outside of Western Europe today, the implementation of policy objectives drives ethnic settlement policies in many other parts of the world — any search engine is suited to offer additional assistance. Also the policy of our Multicoloured Republicans in Berlin aims to achieve its political objectives through the settlement of new ethnic groups. Assuming they have good intentions, Germany is to be “enriched” through “joy of life”, and Germans are to “learn” to understand other cultures and thereby “break down prejudices”, hence a kind of educational programme. Assuming they have bad intentions, they first wish to marginalise Germans to the status of an ethnic minority, then deprive them of all special protections which they enjoy in their own country and ultimately exterminate them through pogroms, civil war or other orgies of the violent type. Since one cannot read the minds of the Multicoloured Republicans, let us not speculate further here about their ultimate political objectives. But this changes nothing about the fact that the means of implementing these objectives — whatever that might be — is very much a classical settlement policy which is carried out pro forma through deliberate abuse of asylum law.

What distinguishes this settlement policy of the Multicolored Republicans of today from the settlement policy of the Third Reich?

The main criticism the regime has against Representative Kudla follows a twofold thrust. On the one hand, they fault Kudla for using a term which they claim had been standard in the propaganda language of the Third Reich. But even if this word had already been in use in some of the addresses or speeches of the Third Reich, in comparison with several other terms out of the same period, the word “Umvolkung” certainly falls within the realm of general knowledge. Even if some National Socialist ideologues are supposed to have used this word, it fell completely into oblivion after 1945. It has surfaced since then for the first time in several PI articles starting in 2015, subsequent to Merkel’s refugee putsch; and Akif Pirinçci took it up in 2016 as the title of a book.[2] One requires little imagination to come up with an expression like “Umvolkung” [trans-ethnicisation] when faced with the Merkel-madness. It is therefore quite accurate from the standpoint of language history to distinguish between the mostly forgotten National Socialist ideological language describing the settlement policy for Eastern Europe (insofar as the claim is true and few historians trust it)[1] and its recreation in 2015. There is no historical-linguistic continuity between the two concepts.

On the other hand, the regime reproaches Kudla for wrongly applying the word “Umvolkung” specifically to the Merkel settlement policy. The criticism runs as follows:

‘In contrast to Merkel, the settlement policy of the Third Reich entailed a “Germanisation of pro-German population groups in the conquered territories of Eastern Europe”. According to this definition of the term, there is no justification for applying the word “Umvolkung” in the same way to the settlement policy of the Multicoloured Republicans: the Merkel policy does not entail Germanisation, for Germany is not a conquered country.’

Insofar as one is willing to deal with this putative prior use of the term in the National Socialist period, the comparison is indeed, as noted above, absurd from the standpoint of linguistic history, but is, as regards content, thoroughly legitimate. For the Multicoloured Republic of the present, even by its own self-understanding, would like above all to be an anti-Hitler state. It is therefore only consistent that the state direct its aggression in these times of the Multicoloured Republic not against foreign ethnic peoples [Völker] as in the Third Reich, but in precisely the opposite direction, against its own ethnicity [Volk] — the key word here is “anti-Hitler”. To understand the Multicoloured Republicans’ policy of trans-ethnicisation [Umvolkungspolitik], the above definition from the National Socialist period must therefore be translated, considering only its content, into its opposite: ethnically, the policy has nothing to do with Germanisation, but is a matter of an ethnic “Levantinisation” [Orientalisierung] of the Germans. Conversely, the policy has nothing to do with “pro-German population groups”, but consistent with the logic of the anti-Hitler state, it centres on the Germans themselves.

The regime has often enough made it abundantly clear that their political intention is the Levantinisation of the Germans; that is, the gradual cultural and ethnic integration of the native population into the newly settled population: the slogan “Integration is not a one-way street!” requires quite directly the assimilation of the Germans to the habits and customs of the settlers. Also, Multicoloured Republicans welcome, in the tradition of the National Socialist state, biological elimination through selective breeding. One is reminded of [Finance Minister Wolfgang] Schäuble’s infamous inbreeding quotation! An immediate comparison between the practised Umvolkung of the Multicoloured Republicans and the envisioned “Umvolkung” in the Third Reich is also thoroughly justified on the grounds of content. And it goes without saying — to take up the third point of the definition — Germany (like all of Western Europe) is a conquered territory from the standpoint of the settlers from the Middle East — this has even been communicated in a completely explicit way by the relevant persons (“that is now our street/ our part of the city/ our city/ our country”).

To summarise, the settlement policy of the Multicoloured Republicans forms part of a politically desired, state-sponsored process of total ethnic restructuring [Umbauprocess]. Quite clearly it shows parallels to the planned, but no longer implemented settlement policy of the National Socialist period, except that it is guided in accordance with the Multicoloured Republic’s self-conception as an “anti-Hitler state”. The policy is not directed against foreign peoples, but against the Germans. Even in the absence of an historical-linguistic continuity between the term as it was understood in the National Socialist period and its re-creation in 2015, it is justified to apply the term “Umvolkung” to the politically motivated ethnic policy which is driven with the help of a systematic settlement policy. It is exactly the right word!

The reason the word Umvolkung [trans-ethnicisation] has been able to spread so rapidly since last Fall is that it very aptly characterises today’s Umvolkung policy. For it is clear in this case that that the term is warranted, given that the policy aims ultimately at total ethnic restructuring [Umstrukturierung]: the regime has always stated this openly and has never disputed it. How otherwise than with the word “Umvolkung” is one to name the thing according to its conception? Would the term “re-populating the population” [Umbevölkerungung] be more politically correct?

Presently several German language terms compete with each other to characterize with a single encapsulating word the policy of total ethnic restructuring.

The regime itself readily uses the expression “demographic change” or “demographic shift” (“our country is undergoing change”). This idea is misleading — not by accident of course — for two reasons. On the one hand, the ‘total ethnic restructuring (Umstrukturierung) of Germany is not a “demographic” process, which is to say it is not a question of exchanging age for youth, or men for women; it is a matter of making other ethnicities indigenous: it is a question, therefore, of total “ethnic” reconstruction (Umbau). On the other hand, the word “change” [Wandel] suggests an automatic transformation without political assistance, as if the weather is changing or the fashion or lifestyle of man over the course of time. This too is not the case: state measures alone are enabling the settlement of Africans, beginning with the ferry service on the Mediterranean through to the quasi-legal smuggling via misused “asylum law” and ending with the provision of health insurance, full rations, money and free accommodation. That is not a “change” [Wandel], but a state driven process of transformation [Veränderungsprocess] from beginning to end.

The somewhat risky word “ethnic” is readily replaced in state-speak — as part of the usual obfuscation — with the word “social”. The preferred expression is “social change”, as if the settlement of Arabs is a purely “social” and “societal” process, and as if the encounter between the two ethnicities, the Germans and the Arabs, were distinguishable only by their different levels of prosperity, but not through different languages, religion, traditions, norms and values. Also the word “culture” supports the camouflage: in fact, it is not just “cultures” that are being “settled”, but other nations which are quite confidently parading the fact with Turkish flags, thousands of times over, in Cologne. The Turkish flag does not represent a “culture”, but the Turkish nation.

But let us not to waste too much time reflecting on the language of state propaganda, which in any case is nothing but a bizarre accumulation of lies and a deliberate manipulation of language designed to lead the stupid German Fritz further into the delusion that Germany will remain Germany. So long as he believes that, peace will remain to the huts, the settlement policy can calmly continue and war will not come to the palaces.

The “Great Replacement” is one of the best known concepts currently common among the opposition, the Identitarian movement above all being among its users. While this expression describes events the way they actually unfold, it falls somewhat short of the ideal; there is really no replacement taking place in the strict sense of the term. Although Africans and Arabs are being settled, Germans are not being resettled. What we are experiencing is a displacement: Arabs settle and Germans move away. We first observed this process on a small scale in individual houses and streets, then in entire urban districts. Today this two-way settlement movement is affecting entire cities and broad regions, above all in North Rhine-Westphalia [NRW]. Although the word “replacement” describes this process quite well for the affected areas — in NRW we are experiencing a “replacement” of the population — the word does not apply to all of Germany, for Germans leaving NRW move to Saxony or Bavaria and the aggregate number of Germans in Germany remains unchanged by the settlement of Arabs.

The word “colonization” is perfectly applicable, for this term gives expression not only to the ethnic events, but also to the power-political background and repercussions. It has been known for a long time that not only is the German government deliberately pressing forward with the policy of settling Central Europe with Turks, but also the Turkish government has at least as strong an interest in the expansion of their own geographical sphere of influence. But several Arab states, especially Morocco, are also increasingly pursuing such a policy. Pakistan too has recognized the political power opportunities which are opening up by the relocation of as many of their own citizens as possible to Western Europe. Likewise the colonists themselves do not see themselves only as cohabitants in another country, who by more or less crossing the border set aside all loyalty to their homeland in exchange for a new loyalty to different country. Quite the contrary, they often see themselves as an extended spearhead, as carriers of the interests of their homeland, whereas the German native population are perceived as a necessary evil which is still to be tolerated over a period of transition (“we will dominate you”, “we will gas you”).

No word in the German language, however, describes the process of ethnic transformation more suitably on the whole than “Umvolkung”, which is formed from a conflation of the two terms “Um(bau)” [total re-construction] and “Volk“ [an ethnic people]. For that is precisely what is happening in Germany even today; in fact, it is happening precisely according to the same timetable which the Third Reich had in store for several peoples of Eastern Europe: instead of enslavement and physical extermination, the Reich envisioned a gradual assimilation and ultimately an absorption of the native population into the mass of German settlers. The National Socialists could have achieved this objective peacefully in a number of ways: propagandistic valorisation of the settlers and devalorisation of the local culture would have automatically awakened the wish of the indigenous population to assimilate — everyone naturally wants to belong to the victors. They would only have had to strengthen this wish slightly through soft political pressure, in order to hasten the integration and assimilation process; for example, by granting the local inhabitants fewer rights than the German settlers when it came to applications for official posts or before the courts. This is approximately what one might picture regarding the planned policy of Umvolkung in the Third Reich had it ever been implemented after the war.

Once again all these central elements of a successful policy of Umvolkung are facing us again: the exaggerated propagation of the alleged cultural achievements of the settlers (‘Day of the Open Mosque’, glorification of veiling, how beautifully the muezzin sounds!) alongside simultaneous propagation of the shadow side of one’s own nation and culture (the evil Catholic Church, Auschwitz, witch burning, the West was never anything more than horrific). The state systematically favors settlers (migrant quotas, migrant-bonus before the courts), tolerates settlers’ violence against the native population and thereby implicitly approves it — so goes everyday life in the Multicoloured Republic.

And these measures are in fact beginning to take effect: one must concur with Bettina Kudla’s statement that “Umvolkung has long since begun”. The interplay of all these measures to date — colonization and the state sponsored initiation of a process of ethnic dissolution of the native population — has triggered, even today, a wish in many Germans which lies very close to biological evolution: people no longer shape their own future, and above all the future of their children, to their own ethnic group; instead they conform it to becoming part of that ethnic group which they perceive to be more successful and more promising; German men are converting to Islam, German women are specifically seeking Turks and Arabs as spouses in order to bear Turkish and Arab children whom the state presumably favours. All this is part of Umvolkung in the strict sense. Not only does this trend entail the state-implemented settlement of a new nation in a country, but in fact it is an integrated, stealthy, superficially peaceful inter-ethnic process, but one deliberately forced through state pressure. This process will end only when the settled ethnic group has established itself as a determining political power, ideally also forming the majority. And the Volk who originally lived in this country, except for the withdrawn social remnants, will be neither culturally nor physiologically discernible.

It will still take a while before this trans-ethnicisation process [Umvolkungsprozess] of the approximately 60 million Germans still living in Germany is completed. But this alters nothing of the fact that this process is already underway — on this point Bettina Kudla is right in any case. And it alters nothing of the fact that Umvolkung will end with the complete assimilation of the Germans into the settled ethnic groups if the current radicality of the settler policy is not finally stopped.

We have already seen in the first part of this series that the word “Umvolkung” is a re-creation from 2015 and that there exists no historical-linguistic continuity whatsoever with the way the word was applied during the National Socialist period. However, for those who wish to be more politically correct, instead of saying “Umvolkung”, they can of course also say “re-populating the population” [Umbevölkerungung] at any time. And for those to whom “Umvolkung” sounds too German, fortunately one can harken back to a long-established foreign word that describes precisely the same process: “ethnocide”.

In a bestselling book, Tania Kambouri, a German police officer, describes the deteriorating security situation in Germany due to migrants who she says have no respect for law and order. In an interview with Deutschlandfunk radio, she said:

“For weeks, months and years I have noticed that Muslims, mostly young men, do not have even a minimum level of respect for the police. When we are out patrolling the streets, we are verbally abused by young Muslims. There is the body language, and insults like ‘sh** cop’ when passing by. If we make a traffic stop, the aggression increases ever further, this is overwhelmingly the case with migrants.

“I wish these problems were recognized and clearly addressed. If necessary, laws need to be strengthened. It is also very important that the judiciary, that the judges issue effective rulings. It cannot be that offenders continue to fill the police files, hurt us physically, insult us, whatever, and there are no consequences. Many cases are closed or offenders are released on probation or whatever. Yes, what is happening in the courts today is a joke.

“The growing disrespect, the increasing violence against police…. We are losing control of the streets.”

According to Freddi Lohse, Vice Chairman of the DPolG German Police Union in Hamburg, many migrant offenders view the leniency of the German justice system as a green light to continue delinquent behavior. “They are used to tougher consequences in their home countries,” he said. “They have no respect for us.”


Spinach is no longer just a superfood: By embedding leaves with carbon nanotubes, MIT engineers have transformed spinach plants into sensors that can detect explosives and wirelessly relay that information to a handheld device similar to a smartphone.

This is one of the first demonstrations of engineering electronic systems into plants, an approach that the researchers call “plant nanobionics.”

“The goal of plant nanobionics is to introduce nanoparticles into the plant to give it non-native functions,” says Michael Strano, the Carbon P. Dubbs Professor of Chemical Engineering at MIT and the leader of the research team.



In this case, the plants were designed to detect chemical compounds known as nitroaromatics, which are often used in landmines and other explosives. When one of these chemicals is present in the groundwater sampled naturally by the plant, carbon nanotubes embedded in the plant leaves emit a fluorescent signal that can be read with an infrared camera. The camera can be attached to a small computer similar to a smartphone, which then sends an email to the user.

“This is a novel demonstration of how we have overcome the plant/human communication barrier,” says Strano, who believes plant power could also be harnessed to warn of pollutants and environmental conditions such as drought.

Environmental monitoring

Two years ago, in the first demonstration of plant nanobionics, Strano and former MIT postdoc Juan Pablo Giraldo used nanoparticles to enhance plants’ photosynthesis ability and to turn them into sensors for nitric oxide, a pollutant produced by combustion.

Plants are ideally suited for monitoring the environment because they already take in a lot of information from their surroundings, Strano says.

“Plants are very good analytical chemists,” he says. “They have an extensive root network in the soil, are constantly sampling groundwater, and have a way to self-power the transport of that water up into the leaves.”

Strano’s lab has previously developed carbon nanotubes that can be used as sensors to detect a wide range of molecules, including hydrogen peroxide, the explosive TNT, and the nerve gas sarin. When the target molecule binds to a polymer wrapped around the nanotube, it alters the tube’s fluorescence.

In the new study, the researchers embedded sensors for nitroaromatic compounds into the leaves of spinach plants. Using a technique called vascular infusion, which involves applying a solution of nanoparticles to the underside of the leaf, they placed the sensors into a leaf layer known as the mesophyll, which is where most photosynthesis takes place.

They also embedded carbon nanotubes that emit a constant fluorescent signal that serves as a reference. This allows the researchers to compare the two fluorescent signals, making it easier to determine if the explosive sensor has detected anything. If there are any explosive molecules in the groundwater, it takes about 10 minutes for the plant to draw them up into the leaves, where they encounter the detector.

To read the signal, the researchers shine a laser onto the leaf, prompting the nanotubes in the leaf to emit near-infrared fluorescent light. This can be detected with a small infrared camera connected to a Raspberry Pi, a $35 credit-card-sized computer similar to the computer inside a smartphone. The signal could also be detected with a smartphone by removing the infrared filter that most camera phones have, the researchers say.

“This setup could be replaced by a cell phone and the right kind of camera,” Strano says. “It’s just the infrared filter that would stop you from using your cell phone.”

Using this setup, the researchers can pick up a signal from about 1 meter away from the plant, and they are now working on increasing that distance.

Michael McAlpine, an associate professor of mechanical engineering at the University of Minnesota, says this approach holds great potential for engineering not only sensors but many other kinds of bionic plants that might receive radio signals or change color.

“When you have manmade materials infiltrated into a living organism, you can have plants do things that plants don’t ordinarily do,” says McAlpine, who was not involved in the research. “Once you start to think of living organisms like plants as biomaterials that can be combined with electronic materials, this is all possible.”

“A wealth of information”

In the 2014 plant nanobionics study, Strano’s lab worked with a common laboratory plant known as Arabidopsis thaliana. However, the researchers wanted to use common spinach plants for the latest study, to demonstrate the versatility of this technique. “You can apply these techniques with any living plant,” Strano says.

So far, the researchers have also engineered spinach plants that can detect dopamine, which influences plant root growth, and they are now working on additional sensors, including some that track the chemicals plants use to convey information within their own tissues.

“Plants are very environmentally responsive,” Strano says. “They know that there is going to be a drought long before we do. They can detect small changes in the properties of soil and water potential. If we tap into those chemical signaling pathways, there is a wealth of information to access.”

These sensors could also help botanists learn more about the inner workings of plants, monitor plant health, and maximize the yield of rare compounds synthesized by plants such as the Madagascar periwinkle, which produces drugs used to treat cancer.

“These sensors give real-time information from the plant. It is almost like having the plant talk to us about the environment they are in,” Wong says. “In the case of precision agriculture, having such information can directly affect yield and margins.”


Matteo Tonello

By Matteo Tonello

The Conference Board, in collaboration with Arthur J. Gallagher & Co. and MylogIQ, recently released CEO and Executive Compensation Practices: 2016 Edition, which documents trends and developments on senior management compensation at companies issuing equity securities registered with the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and, as of May 2016, included in the Russell 3000 Index.

The report has been designed to reflect the changing landscape of executive compensation and its disclosure. In addition to benchmarks on individual elements of compensation packages and the evolving features of short-term and long-term incentive plans (STIs and LTIs), the report provides details on shareholder advisory votes on executive compensation (say-on-pay) and outlines the major practices on board oversight of compensation design.

Compensation data is examined and segmented by business industry and company size (measured in terms of annual revenue). For the purpose of the industry analysis, the report aggregates companies within 10 industry groups, using the applicable Global Industry Classification Standard (GICS) codes. In addition, to highlight differences between small and large companies, findings in the Russell 3000 Index are compared with those from the S&P 500 Index. The S&P 500, or subset of the S&P 500, is also used to further investigate certain compensation practices, such as changes in pension value, perquisites, and incentive plans. Figures and illustrations used throughout the report refer to the Russell 3000 analysis unless otherwise specified.

The following are some of the Key Findings from the study.

Several highest paid CEOs have made the top-25 list for years; shareholder return is rarely the performance goal driving their compensation. In the last few years, companies have been responding to public scrutiny over pay-for-performance and made significant adjustments to their compensation policies—curbing base salaries and annual bonuses, introducing retention requirements on equity awards, and shifting from single metric to blended-metric incentive plans. And yet The Conference Board found that pay and performance alignment, at least where performance is measured in terms of total shareholder return (TSR), continues to elude some industries’ chief executives; their top-level compensation is due to performance metrics other than TSR. For example, at asset management public company GAMCO, Mario Gabelli receives fees related to the total assets that his investment company manages, not only the returns generated by those invested assets. At media companies Viacom and CBS, the performance targets of choice are operating income and free cash flow, both for annual and long-term incentives; moreover, the compensation required to retain a CEO is inevitably distorted by the generous compensation offered by those companies to the artists and other media talent needed to appeal to wide audiences. Therefore, at least for these individuals, an analysis of TSR performance is only going to tell some of the story.

CEOs of smaller companies benefited from the highest total pay growth in 2015, but the compensation gap between them and their colleagues in the S&P 500 remains wide. Excluding the effects of pensions, the increase in median total compensation for CEOs in the S&P 500 was 2.9 percent, contributing to a six-year rise (from 2010) of 22.25 percent. The equivalent figures for the Russell 3000 were 4.2 percent and 54.7 percent respectively. In fact, in the smallest company bracket by revenue, under US$100 million, the increase in median total pay was 37 percent, just between 2014 and 2015 levels. In contrast, the CEOs of the largest companies (US$50 billion and over) received a rise in median pay of 10.8 percent, while smaller organizations saw their median compensation shrink even when excluding the effects of pensions.

Smaller increases in total CEO compensation documented for some industries (including energy, utilities, and telecommunication services) reflect the lackluster performance caused by the slump in commodity prices, new regulatory restraints, and market saturation. According to the business sector analysis, and again excluding the effect of pension change, CEOs in telecommunications, utilities, industrials, and energy saw median total compensation fall. For energy firm CEOS, the decrease was as large as 17.7 percent. In contrast, CEOs of companies in the consumer discretionary (such as entertainment and travel), consumer staples, and health care sectors all experienced double digit increases, with the highest going to consumer staples CEOs at 28 percent. On the other hand, no industry reported a negative six-year change, with health care CEOs experiencing median growth in total compensation between 2010 and 2015 of 94 percent, from US$1,817,000 to US$3,525,000.

As companies continue to strive to achieve pay-for-performance, a rise in the value of stock awards drives the bulk of total CEO compensation increases. Stock awards have taken up the slack of virtually every other component of pay. S&P 500 CEOs receive 47 percent of their total pay in the form of stock awards, up from a third in 2010, while in the Russell 3000 it has risen from less than a quarter of total pay to more than a third. More specifically, in 2015 the value of stock awards grew by over 23 percent at the median for CEOs in the Russell 3000, and by 13.7 percent for CEOs in the S&P 500. Over the last six years, the growth in the value of median stock awards for the Russell 3000 has been impressive at 291.4 percent (and as high as 358.3 percent for small companies with asset values between US$500 and US$999 million). In the first quarter of 2015, when decisions about most stock awards are made, awarded stocks in both the S&P 500 and the Russell 3000 were higher than at the beginning of 2014. It remains to be seen whether the volatility that these equity indices registered in 2015 will curb the rise of stock award value in 2016.

With an inflation rate of less than one percent for both 2014 and 2015, market pressure and the looming application of the new SEC pay ratio rules explain the moderate rises in CEO base salary. Compared to 2015, base salary rose four and 4.7 percent for CEOs in the S&P 500 and the Russell 3000, respectively. Double-digit total compensation increases for CEOs of consumer staples companies were not caused by any increase in base salary, since median salary fell by two percent in that industry. The base salary of energy CEOs showed no increase at all at the median. But for most others, base salary rose by between two percent (utilities and materials) and 6.8 percent (information technology (IT)). Similar disparities can be found when companies are broken down by revenue and asset size. CEOs at the largest companies saw either no increase in median salary or, in the case of companies with annual revenue between US$25 and US$49.9 billion, a decline in median salary by 8 percent. In contrast, CEOs of companies with annual revenue of less than US$100 million reported median salary increase of 9.4 percent, compared to a 7.5 percent increase for companies with asset values of US$500 million or less.

Stock options have been losing importance as a compensation incentive in large companies, where scrutiny on share value manipulation and other unintended behavioral effects has been felt the most.However, when smaller organizations are analyzed, the move away from stock options is not as significant as is commonly claimed. Options as a percent of total CEO pay fell from around 18 percent to 15 percent in the S&P 500. In contrast, CEOs in the Russell 3000 have been steadily receiving around 15 percent of their pay in stock options in each of the last six years, with little or no change in the percentage.

Pension value changes and the increase in non-qualified deferred compensation (NQDC) have fallen back to normal levels following the absorption of the major actuarial valuation adjustments that occurred in 2014. In the S&P 500, for example, the amount went from less than three percent of pay in 2013 to almost eight percent in 2014, before halving to four percent in 2015. Given the lack of involvement of boards and compensation committees in such volatility, it is hardly surprising that most surveys are careful to give figures that both exclude and include this element of pay. Across industries and company size groups, the change in pension value and NQDC was negative, both between 2014 and 2015 and over the entire six-year period.

The gain in strength of the US dollar has slowed the operational performance of many multinational companies, causing a sharp year-on-year decrease in the median annual bonuses granted to CEOs in both the Russell 3000 and the S&P 500. In fact, in the S&P 500, median 2015 bonuses are lower than they were six years ago (when they stood close to US$2 million), though similar in level to the median bonus awarded in 2012 and 2011 (around US$1,850,000). As with other compensation elements, median bonuses for CEOs of the smallest companies reverse the general trend. Median bonuses for CEOs of companies with annual revenue of less than US$100 million increased by three percent; for companies with asset values of less than US$500 million, this increase was seven percent. In contrast, CEOs of companies with an asset value of more than US$100 billion saw median bonus value fall by almost a fifth.

In 2015, for the first time in years, the annual growth in percentage points of total NEO compensation exceeded that of CEOs—a sign that companies may be concerned about talent retention at the top in a tightening job market. While growth of compensation for NEOs exceeded that of CEOs between 2014 and 2015, growth for NEO compensation in the long-term lags that of CEOs. NEO pay rose between 2010–2015 (32 percent and 15.8 percent in the Russell 3000 and S&P 500 respectively), but CEO pay rose more over this period (55 percent and 22 percent for each index). The latest year of slower pay growth may also reflect concerns that differentials are widening too far between CEOs and NEOs. In 2015, median total compensation for NEOs (other than the CEO) was US$1,439,000 in the Russell 3000 and US$3,563,000 in the S&P 500.

The increasing attention paid by investors and other stakeholders to sustainability and long-termism is prompting companies to add non-financial targets to their incentive plans, which seldom still rely on a single metric of performance. The number of performance measures included in an incentive plan has steadily increased over the past five years, expanding to a series of qualitative aspects of firm performance—ranging from customer satisfaction to the implementation of safety standards and from employee turnover rates to environmental impact measures. When non-financial measures are included in the target count, more than a quarter of firms use more than six performance metrics in their STI plans. Excluding them brings that proportion down to one percent. Without non-financial measures, a third of companies have between two and three metrics for their annual plans. The volume of companies using only a single metric continues to shrink quite rapidly; in STIs, it is down from 16 percent to 14 percent from 2014 to 2015, up from almost a third of the examined 2010 sample. For LTIs, companies using a single metric dropped from 41 percent in 2010 to 19 percent in 2015.

Say-on-pay analysis confirms a significant turnover in failed votes, with several companies losing the confidence of their shareholders this year after winning the vote by a wide margin in 2014. In the Russell 3000, only 27 of the executive compensation plans put to a say-on-pay vote in the first half of 2016 failed to receive the support of a majority of shareholders. This compares with 52 and 51 percent of companies with failed votes during the same period in 2015 and 2014, respectively. Two companies that reported failed votes in 2016 had also missed a majority support level in 2015: Masimo Corp and Tutor Perini Corporation. (There were eight of these cases in 2015.) Tutor Perini Corporation is the only company in the Russell 3000 that has failed all six years of say-on-pay advisory votes. Nabors Industries Ltd. had four consecutive failed votes as of 2014, received 65.3 percent of for votes at its 2015 annual general meeting (AGM), and then failed the advisory vote again in 2016 (with a mere 36 percent of votes cast in favor of the compensation plan proposed by management).


By Scott Hirst

Shareholders exert significant influence on the social and environmental behavior of U.S. corporations. Shareholders vote on social responsibility resolutions that are put forward at corporations; their success or failure influences the social and environmental behavior of those corporations. The largest shareholders are institutional investors—mutual funds, investment advisers and pension funds. When they vote on social responsibility resolutions, they do so as fiduciaries for their own investors. I consider two questions: Do the votes of institutions on social responsibility resolutions follow the interests of their own investors? And do the votes of institutions on social responsibility resolutions follow the preferences of their own investors? I put forward evidence that many may not, and consider whether this is a problem, and if so, how it could be addressed. The stakes are high: if institutional investors voted on social responsibility proposals as their own investors preferred, corporate behavior on social and environmental matters might be much closer to what investors, and society, would prefer.

The overwhelming majority of investors in corporations do so through fiduciaries—mutual funds, investment advisers and pension funds. Because these intermediaries make voting decisions on their investors’ behalves, there is a possibility that the voting decisions may not reflect investors’ interests, or their preferences. In examining this issue, I focus on voting by mutual funds, which hold the largest proportion of equity of U.S. corporations, and are the only type of institution for which voting data is widely available. The fiduciary duties of mutual fund directors and investment advisers are generally interpreted as requiring them to vote on resolutions at portfolio corporations, in the best interests of their investors. I focus on their voting on social responsibility resolutions, resolutions requesting that corporations take certain actions on social and environmental matters.

A consideration of the voting records of mutual funds suggests that some of their votes on social responsibility resolutions represent a distortion of either the interests or the preferences of their investors. The chart below presents data for votes by the largest 30 mutual fund families on political spending disclosure resolutions, in decreasing order of the percentage of fund-votes in favor (black denotes the proportion of fund-votes in favor, gray the proportion against, and white the proportion of fund-votes to abstain).

Largest Mutual Fund Family Voting on Resolutions regarding Political Spending Disclosure

Second, the way many of the funds in the chart above vote on political spending resolutions may differ from the views of a majority of their own investors. Two opinion polls considered in the essay suggest that the preferences of the funds’ investors may differ significantly from how most funds vote on resolutions concerning political spending disclosure. And because funds vote “all-or-nothing” for, against or abstain, even where funds vote the way a majority of their investors are likely to prefer, there will be a divergence from the preferences of a minority of their investors.

This data suggests two conclusions. First, votes of different mutual funds on social responsibility resolutions diverge widely, even among mutual funds that are likely to have very similar investors with very similar interests. Deutsche Asset Management voted 100% of its fund-votes in favor of political spending resolutions. Yet Dreyfus, Putnam and Dimensional voted 100% of their fund-votes against such resolutions. If there was likely to be significant variation in the investors served by these different fund families—e.g., if some were “socially responsible investment” funds—the variation might be explained by the fund following the preferences of their investors. However, all of these are large, mainstream mutual funds. Given the size and number of investors in these funds, the comparability of their mutual fund offerings, and the robust competition in the mutual fund market, it is likely that there is a significant overlap between the types of investors these funds cover. Funds that vote in radically different ways cannot all be right about which outcome would maximize shareholder value. If there is a way to vote on these resolutions that reflects the best interests of these investors, some mutual funds appear to be voting wrongly on many resolutions.

Even if this is the case, does it matter that mutual fund votes may not follow the preferences of their investors? This is open to debate. If mutual funds can determine better than their own investors what is in the interests of those investors, then this distortion may be optimal. If corporations can determine for themselves the actions that will maximize value on the matters being considered, then the preferences of their investors may be irrelevant. However, if it is considered valuable for corporations to follow the wishes of their investors, then these distortions may represent a significant problem, as they result in corporations being less likely to act as their ultimate investors would prefer. Many resolutions requesting action on environmental and social matters may fail where investors would prefer that they pass. Corporations are less likely to take requested actions where resolutions fail. And proponents are less likely to bring resolutions at other corporations, or bring other kinds of resolutions, given that such resolutions attract less support than they otherwise would. Public officials that consider the results of resolutions as a proxy for investor preferences on these matters will receive distorted information, and may be less likely to take action themselves.

I do not attempt to offer a conclusion regarding whether distortion constitutes a problem, or even whether it is taking place. However, in the event that distortion is taking place and is considered a problem, I consider the alternatives for resolving the problem. One possible solution is for investors to choose mutual funds that vote in the ways that they prefer. This already takes place to limited extent when investors invest in socially responsible investment funds. However, those funds represent a small percentage of aggregate funds invested, and there are significant impediments to widespread sorting among mutual funds, including very limited investor access to the information necessary to make such decisions. The alternative is for mutual funds to consider the preferences of their investors when determining voting policies and decisions. In order to represent investors with preferences representing a minority of investment in the fund as well as those representing a majority, mutual funds could adopt policies whereby they would split their vote in proportions consistent with the preferences of their investors. Vote splitting is currently rare, but as a practical matter it is likely to be relatively straightforward for these well-resourced institutions.

The next step in this debate should be for further consideration of the preferences of investors. The data I use to draw conclusions about investor preferences is limited and imperfect; the investment industry—with the encouragement of the Securities and Exchange Commission—should undertake their own analysis to determine whether their voting differs from how their investors would prefer, and whether this represents a problem.




What is intersectionality? Think of it like the ingredients needed to make a cake, Brandeis University lecturer Laurie Nsiah-Jefferson said at a recent Faculty of Arts and Sciences Diversity Dialogue. Take the eggs, milk, flour, and other ingredients, blend them together and bake, and the final product is the cake.

In people, the ingredients are the characteristics they use to identify themselves —male, female, black, white, Muslim, Christian, Bostonian, etc. Like eggs, flour, milk, and sugar intersect to make a cake, those are some of the intersecting ingredients that might make up a person.

During her presentation, “Intersectionality: Definitions, Origins, Controversies, and Applications,” Nsiah-Jefferson explained that to better understand an individual and work effectively with him or her, we must understand all the identities that make up the person.

“Human lives cannot be explained by taking into account single categories, such as gender, race, and socio-economic status. People’s lives are multi-dimensional and complex,” she said.

When only some of the layers of a person’s identity are known, he or she can face bias. “People can experience privilege and oppression simultaneously,” Nsiah-Jefferson said. As an example, she compared Oprah Winfrey to a black man from Harlem. Winfrey, because of her fame and economic status, has privilege that the black man does not. However, she is still a black woman who can face discrimination. Nsiah-Jefferson cited the case of a shopkeeper in Europe who did not know Winfrey and questioned her ability to pay because of her race.

Understanding intersectionality can promote “an understanding of human beings as shaped by the interaction of different social locations,” such as race, ethnicity, gender, and class, Nsiah-Jefferson said. “Utilizing intersectionality frameworks can help us more accurately reflect the diversity within higher education in the classroom and in the workplace … promote greater understanding of how converging identities contribute to inequality [and] help us to avoid simultaneous advancement and perpetuation of inequities.

“Scholars, researchers, practitioners, policymakers, and activists must consider their own social position, role, and power when taking an intersectional approach,” she said. “Intersectionality is explicitly oriented toward transformation, building coalitions and different groups, and working toward social justice.”

In the workplace, Nsiah-Jefferson suggested that leaders should recognize the layers of the people they work with. “If you have not been able to reach certain subpopulations you want to serve, find key stakeholders from these subpopulation groups and interrogate potential barriers,” she said. “Don’t just assess success of desired outcomes on gender, religious groups, etc., but subpopulations within the larger groups.

“When we say intersectionality, we are saying one size does not fit all,” she concluded.

“Intersectionality is an important lens to use in decision-making and resource allocation,” said Reema Khan, director of finance and IT systems for FAS, who attended the dialogue. “When crafting policy or assigning limited resources — such as funding, space, access, titles, opportunity — intersectionality can inform the process to work toward equitable and inclusive results. Considering the layers of intersectionality ensures that all voices are heard and there is a conscious awareness of the trade-offs being made — and their implications.”