MOBILITY OF PRODUCTION FACTORS

 

 

Mobility of production factors occur in three ways: immigration/emigration, capital transfers through international borrowing and lending, and foreign direct investment. Production factor movements also raise political and social issues not present in trade in goods and services. Nations frequently restrict immigration, capital flows, and foreign direct investment.

Trade in goods and services can to some extent be considered a substitute for factor movements. In the absence of trade barriers, even when factors are not mobile, there is a tendency toward factor price equalization. In the absence of barriers to factor mobility, commodity prices will move toward equalization, even if commodities may not freely move. However, complete substitution between factors of production and commodities is only theoretical, and will only be fully realized under the economic model called the Heckscher-Ohlin model, or the 2x2x2 model, wherein there are two-countries, two-commodities, and two factors of production. While the assumptions of that model are unlikely to hold true in reality, the model is still informative as to how prices of factors and commodities react as trade barriers are erected or removed.

International labor migration is a key feature of our international economy. For example, many industries in the United States are heavily dependent on legal and illegal labor from Mexico and the Caribbean. Middle Eastern economic development has been fueled by laborers from South Asian countries, and several European countries have had formal guest-worker programs in place for years. The United Nations estimated that more than 175 million people, roughly 3 percent of the world’s population, live in a country other than where they were born.

International labor mobility is a politically contentious subject, particularly when considering the illegal movements of people across international borders to seek work. For example, a number of European countries saw the rise in the 1990s of a number of anti-immigrant political. The subject is equally contentious among academics who have espoused numerous theories for the effects of immigration, both illegal and legal, on foreign and domestic economies. Traditional international economic theory maintains that reducing barriers to labor mobility results in the equalization of wages across countries.

Some have argued that guest workers, including perhaps illegal workers in some instances, help insulate domestic populations from economic fluctuations. In times of economic prosperity more guest workers may be needed. While during economic downturns guest workers may be required to return to their country of origin. However, it is often simultaneously argued that cheaper foreign labor may be necessary for the preservation of import-competing industries. Looking at those two arguments together presents a contradiction between these two alleged benefits.[3] When migrant workers are sent home during economic downturns and native workers take their place, the assumption is that the two types of labor are substitutes, but if cheap labor is necessary to make domestic industries competitive, this requires migrant labor to be complementary.[3] Different types of labor (e.g., skilled and unskilled) may be complements and substitutes at the same time. For example, skilled laborers may need unskilled laborers to work in the factories skilled laborers design, but at the same time an influx of unskilled labor may make capital intensive production less economically attractive than labor-intensive production, reducing the competitiveness of skilled laborers that design high-tech goods. However, the same type of labor, cannot be both a complement and substitute. For example, foreign unskilled workers will either be a substitute or complement to domestic unskilled workers; they cannot be both. The economic well being of domestic workers will tend to rise if complementary foreign labor enters the market, but their economic well being, a function of their wage, will fall if substitute foreign labor enters the market.

A number of scholars who study the effects of international labor mobility have argued that complementary immigration, which deviates from the outcome predicted by the above model, is a common phenomenon. Illegal immigration in the United States provides one useful example of this critique. The above model would predict that illegal immigration in the United States would cause the wages of domestic unskilled workers to fall. Illegal immigrants would move to the United States seeking higher wages than in their home countries. The influx of foreign laborers willing to work for wages below the pre-immigration market price in the United States would cause wages for U.S. domestic unskilled workers to fall and cause U.S. domestic unskilled workers to lose their jobs to the new foreign workers.

However, there is both theoretical and empirical evidence that this may not always be the case. The idea behind this critique is that immigrant unskilled labor differs in certain fundamental qualities from the domestic unskilled labor force. The central difference may be immigrants’ willingness to work in particular occupations that are shunned by domestic unskilled workers. The occupations that foreign unskilled workers fall into may in some cases actually be complements to the occupations of domestic unskilled workers, and, therefore, the work of the foreign unskilled workers could raise the marginal productivity of domestic laborers, rather than reduce their wages and employment rates as the traditional model predicts.

A great deal of empirical research has been done to assess the impact of certain groups of foreign workers. Most of these empirical studies attempt to measure the impact of immigration by looking at a cross-section of cities or regions in a country and using variations in immigrant or foreign worker density to determine how immigrants effect a particular variable of interest. Wages of domestic and foreign workers are obviously a common variable of interest. There are problems with this approach, however. In open economies with free trade, factor price equalization is likely to occur, so even if immigrants affect native national wages, the uneven distribution of immigrants across the nation may not result in long run cross-sectional wage differences. In the short run though, wage differences could indeed be present. Another issue is that immigrants may selectively move to cities that are experiencing high growth and an increase in wages. It has been suggested, however, that this issue can be resolved if wage data is examined over a period of time. In Friedburg and Hunt’s survey of empirical immigration studies in 1995, they found that while some cross-sectional studies showed a slight decrease in domestic worker wages as a result of immigration, the effect was only slight, and not particularly detrimental. Pischke and Velling came to similar conclusions in a cross-sectional German immigration study.

Studies have also been done using “natural experiments” and time series data, which had findings similar to the cross-sectional studies. However, George Borjas, of Harvard University, and several other economists have used time series studies and looked at wage inequality data and found that immigration does have a significant effect on domestic laborers. There are several factors, however, that might lead to the overestimation of the effects of immigration using the wage inequality methodology. The primary problem in past studies was the limitations on available data. The wage inequality studies may therefore represent an upper boundary for what the real effect of immigration is on domestic wages.

International borrowing and lending is another type of international factor movement; however, the “factor” being moved here is not physical, as it is with labor mobility. Instead, it is a financial transaction. It is also known as portfolio investment. International lending takes place through both private, commercial banks and through international, public banks, like multilateral development banks. It can be classified as a type of intertemporal trade, i.e., the exchange of resources over time. Intertemporal trade represents a tradeoff of goods today for goods tomorrow, and it can be contrasted with intratemporal trade, an exchange of goods taking place immediately. Intertemporal trade is measured by the current account of the balance of payments.

According to the time value of money, the present value of money is not equal to its future value (e.g., $1000 today is worth more than $1000 a year from now). Those wishing to borrow money from a lender must provide a measure of compensation above the value of the principal being borrowed. This compensation usually happens in the form of an interest rate payment. People do not all have the same demand for present and future consumption, so if borrowing and lending are allowed the “price of future consumption”, i.e., the interest rate, will emerge. For the purposes of international economics, countries can be thought of in the same way as people. If a country has a relatively high interest rate, that would mean it has a comparative advantage in future consumption—an intertemporal comparative advantage. Countries that borrow from the international market are, therefore, those that have highly productive current investment opportunities. Countries that lend are in the opposite situation.

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is the ownership of assets in a country by foreigners where the ownership is intended to provide control over those assets. The foreign owner is often a firm. FDI is one way in which factors of production, specifically capital, move internationally. It is distinct from international borrowing and lending of capital because the intent of FDI is not simply to transfer resources; FDI is also intended to establish control.

Two aspects of the above definition are often debated due to their inherent ambiguity. First, if a firm acquires an ownership interest in another firm, how do we determine the “nationality” of either the acquiring or acquired firms? Many companies operate in multiple countries, making it difficult to assign them a nationality. For example, Honda has factories in multiple countries, including the United States, but the firm began in Japan. How, therefore, should we assign a nationality to Honda? Should it be on the basis of where the company was founded, where it primarily produces, or some other metric? Assigning a nationality is particularly problematic for firms founded countries with very small domestic markets and for companies that specifically focus on selling goods on the international market.

The second problem with FDI’s definition is the meaning of “control.” The U.S. Department of Commerce has defined FDI as when a single foreign investor acquires an ownership interest of 10% or more in a U.S. firm.[10] The number 10%, however, is somewhat arbitrary, and it is easy to see how the Commerce Department’s definition might not capture all instances of actual foreign control. For example, a group of investors in a foreign country could buy 9% of a U.S. firm and still use that ownership to exercise some measure of control. Alternatively, a foreign investor that purchases 10% of a U.S. firm may have no intention of exercising control over the company.

One important question economists have preoccupied themselves with regarding FDI is why ownership of domestic resources could be more profitable for foreign firms than for domestic firms. This questions rests on the assumption that, all things being equal, domestic firms should have an advantage over foreign firms in production in their own country. There are many explanations for why foreign firms acquire control over businesses in other countries. The foreign firm may simply have greater knowledge and expertise regarding productions methods, which gives it an advantage over domestic firms. The acquisition of a foreign firm could be based on a global business strategy. Finally, foreign firms might use a different discount rate or return on investment, which are essentially “cost of capital” considerations, when evaluating investment opportunities. However, Krugman and Graham, through a survey of the relevant literature, concluded that industrial organization considerations are more likely than cost of capital concerns to be the driving force for FDI.

Multinational enterprises (MNEs) manage production or deliver services in more than one country. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development’s World Investment Report from 2007, as of 2005 there were over 77,000 parent company MNEs and 770,000 foreign affiliates. From an international economics viewpoint, there are two central questions about why MNEs exist. The first question is why goods and services are produced in multiple countries, instead of a single country. The second central question regarding MNEs is why certain firms decide to produce multiple products—why they internalize other areas of production. The first question can be answered rather simply. Different countries have different resources that companies may need for production. Also, transport costs and barriers to trade often mean the MNEs are necessary to access a particular market. The short answer to the second question it that firms internalize because it is more profitable for them to do so, but the exact reasons behind why it is more profitable to internalize are a more difficult issue. One possible reason for internalization is to insulate MNEs from opportunistic business partners through vertical integration. Technology transfer (here defined as any kind of useful economic knowledge) is also posited as a reason for internalization.

QUESTIONS

  1. State three ways of mobility of production factors.
  2. What is the effect of foreign workers?

 

TRADE PROBLEMS

CONTAINER SHIP

 

Since 1945, there have been eight major multilateral trade agreements. The multilateral tariff reductions since World War II have taken place under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), established in 1947. GATT was both an agreement and an institution (replaced in 1995 by WTO) embodies a set of rules of conduct for international trade policy.

 

The main provisions of the GATT and the constraints it imposes on trade policy are:

  1. Export Subsidies:

Signatories to the GATT may not use export subsidies, except for agricultural products.

  1. Import Quotas:

Signatories to the GATT may not impose unilateral quotas on imports, except when imports threaten “market disruption” which is likely to put a domestic sector suddenly out of business).

  1. Tariffs:

Any new tariff or increase in a tariff must be offset by reductions in other tariffs to compensate the affected exporting countries.

 

In December 1993, the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations was completed, but many trade problems remain. At the outset, we first review the provisions of the Uruguay Round and then refers to the major trade problems facing the world today.

 

The Uruguay Round:

In December 1993, the Uruguay Round, the eighth and most ambitious round of multilateral trade negotiators in history in which 117 countries participated, was completed after seven years of repeated negotiations.

The aim of the Uruguay Round was to establish rules for checking growing protectionism and reverse its trend; bring services, agriculture and foreign investments into the negotiations; negotiate international rules for the pro­tection of intellectual property rights; and improve the dispute settlement mechanism by ensuring more timely decisions and compliance with GATT rulings. The agreement was signed by the United States and most other countries on April 15, 1994 and took effect on July 1, 1995.

 

The major provisions of the agreement are the following:

  1. Tariffs:

Tariffs on industrial products are to be reduced from an average of 4.7% to 3%, and the share of goods with zero tariffs is to increase from 20-22% to 40-45%; tariffs were removed altogether on pharmaceuticals, construction equipment, medical equipment, paper products and steel.

  1. Quotas:

Nations are to replace quotas on agricultural imports and imports of textiles and apparel (under the Multi-fiber Agreement) with less restrictive tariffs over a ten-year period; tariffs on agricultural products are to be reduced by 24% in developing nations and by 36% in industrial nations, and tariffs on textiles are to be cut by 25%.

  1. Antidumping:

The agreement provides for tougher and quicker action to resolve disputes resulting from the use of antidumping laws, but it does not ban their use.

  1. Subsidies:

The volume of subsidised agricultural exports are to be reduced by 21% over a six-year period; government subsidies for industrial research are limited to 50% of applied research costs.

  1. Intellectual Property:

The agreement provides for 20-year protection of patents, trademarks and copyrights, but it allows a 10-year phase-in period for patent protection in pharmaceuticals for developing countries.

  1. Services:

The United States failed to secure access to the markets of Japan, Korea and many developing nations for its banks and security firms and did not succeed in having France and the European Union lift restrictions on the showing of American films and TV programmes in Europe.

  1. Trade-Related Investment Measures:

The agreement phases out the re­quirement that foreign investors (such as automakers) buy supplies locally or export as much as they import.

  1. World Trade Organisation:

The agreement also called for the replacement of L General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) secretariat with the WTO in Geneva with authority not only in trade in industrial products but also in agricultural products and services. Trade disputes are also to be settled by a vote of two-thirds or three-quarters of the nations rather than unanimously as under GATT (which meant that the guilty nation could block any action against it).

Although the completion of the Uruguay Round was a great achieve­ment many trade problems still remain. The implementation of the Uruguay Round is expected to increase world trade by some $170 billion per year by the year 2002 and increase standards of living throughout the world Ta result of the more efficient use of the labour, capital and other resources.

 

Outstanding Trade Problems:

No doubt some benefits have resulted from the successful completion of the Uruguay Round. Yet three major trade problems remain. Firstly, many sectors were not included in the agreement. For example, many services such as banking, insurance and movies and TV programs were excluded from the agreement; agricultural subsidies remain high; patent protection for pharmaceuticals is disappointing; and trade in computer chips is still subject to tariffs (even if cut by half).

Secondly, many of the trade problems of developing countries have either not been addressed or liberalization is long delayed. This is the case for trade in agricultural products and textiles — products which are of great importance to most developing countries.

Finally, the Uruguay Round has not dealt with labor and environmental standards. So these may create major trade problems in the future. Trade- related competition policies (such as subsidies and regulation) as well as trade-related investment measures (TRIMs) have also not been properly dealt with in the Uruguay Round.

QUESTIONS

  1. State some trade problems.
  2. What is the Uruguay Round?

TRADE ORGANIZATIONS

Cargo containers at the Port of Los Angeles.

 
Trade organizations are associations that countries establish to liberalize trade among member countries through voluntary participation. Treaties like the NAFTA aim to liberalize trade between member countries smoothly. Trade organizations are established for specific purposes. The aim is to help its members enjoy various economic benefits.

Major trade organizations are:

World Trade Organization (WTO)

International Organization for Standardization (ISO)

United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)

International Trade Centre

World Customs Organization (WCO)

World Fair Trade Organization

Following the World War II, free trade movements were introduced. In 1947, the GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) was formed, with a focus on tariff reduction related negotiations to reduce import competition. Member nations of the GATT took a more formal approach by establishing the World Trade Organization.

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is another well known treaty, comprising the US, Canada, and Mexico. In 1958, the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO) was formed to promote trade between Japan and the rest of the world. Its aim was to help Japanese companies maximize their export potential at a global level.

Several factors have increased the importance of trade organizations. Increased outsourcing, globalization, industrialization, and growth of multinational corporations have ignited its growing role in today’s world of economic uncertainties. Efforts to remove trade barriers are an integral part of trade organizations. Trade organizations also started the trade justice movements to improve and develop social, labor and environmental standards.

The challenges of trade organizations are to:

Ensure that multilateral and regional trade reforms are complementary.

Enhance institutional reforms of the World Trade Organization.

Address issues, such as trade-related environments, illegal immigrants, competition policies, and investment and labor issues.

 

Trade organizations face the following future challenges:

A variety of costs that pertain to trade agreements. Such costs may hinder trade development.

Some regions or industries face higher risk of closure that results in increased layoffs and weak performance in the wake of global competition.

Wage pressures and rising inequalities in income.

QUESTIONS

  1. What is WTO?
  2. What is UNCTAD?
  3. What is NAFTA?

 

INTERNATIONAL MONETARY POLICIES

 
Optimal monetary policy in international economics is concerned with the question of how monetary policy should be conducted in interdependent open economies. The classical view holds that international macroeconomic interdependence is only relevant if it affects domestic output gaps and inflation, and monetary policy prescriptions can abstract from openness without harm. This view rests on two implicit assumptions: a high responsiveness of import prices to the exchange rate, i.e. producer currency pricing (PCP), and frictionless international financial markets supporting the efficiency of flexible price allocation.The violation or distortion of these assumptions found in empirical research is the subject of a substantial part of the international optimal monetary policy literature. The policy trade-offs specific to this international perspective are threefold:

First, research suggests only a weak reflection of exchange rate movements in import prices, lending credibility to the opposed theory of local currency pricing (LCP). The consequence is a departure from the classical view in the form of a trade-off between output gaps and misalignments in international relative prices, shifting monetary policy to CPI inflation control and real exchange rate stabilization.

Second, another specificity of international optimal monetary policy is the issue of strategic interactions and competitive devaluations, which is due to cross-border spillovers in quantities and prices. Therein, the national authorities of different countries face incentives to manipulate the terms of trade to increase national welfare in the absence of international policy coordination. Even though the gains of international policy coordination might be small, such gains may become very relevant if balanced against incentives for international noncooperation.

Third, open economies face policy trade-offs if asset market distortions prevent global efficient allocation. Even though the real exchange rate absorbs shocks in current and expected fundamentals, its adjustment does not necessarily result in a desirable allocation and may even exacerbate the misallocation of consumption and employment at both the domestic and global level. This is because, relative to the case of complete markets, both the Phillips curve and the loss function include a welfare-relevant measure of cross-country imbalances. Consequently, this results in domestic goals, e.g. output gaps or inflation, being traded-off against the stabilization of external variables such as the terms of trade or the demand gap. Hence, the optimal monetary policy in this case consists of redressing demand imbalances and/or correcting international relative prices at the cost of some inflation.

Optimal monetary policy thus should target a combination of inward-looking variables such as output gap and inflation, with currency misalignment and cross-country demand misallocation, by leaning against the wind of misaligned exchange rates and international imbalances.

Developing countries may have problems establishing an effective operating monetary policy. The primary difficulty is that few developing countries have deep markets in government debt. The matter is further complicated by the difficulties in forecasting money demand and fiscal pressure to levy the inflation tax by expanding the base rapidly. In general, the central banks in many developing countries have poor records in managing monetary policy. This is often because the monetary authority in developing countries are mostly not independent of the government, so good monetary policy takes a backseat to the political desires of the government or are used to pursue other non-monetary goals. For this and other reasons, developing countries that want to establish credible monetary policy may institute a currency board or adopt dollarization. This can avoid interference from the government and may lead to the adoption of monetary policy as carried out in the anchor nation. Recent attempts at liberalizing and reform of financial markets (particularly the recapitalization of banks and other financial institutions in Nigeria and elsewhere) are gradually providing the latitude required to implement monetary policy frameworks by the relevant central banks.

Prior to 1933, the name “dollar” was used to refer to a unit of gold that had a weight of 23.22 grains. Since there are 480 grains in one ounce, this means that the name dollar also stood for 0.048 ounce of gold. This in turn, means that one ounce of gold referred to $20.67. $20.67 is not the price of one ounce of gold in terms of dollars as popular thinking has it, for there is no such entity as a dollar. Dollar is just a name for 0.048 ounce of gold. No one prints dollars on the purely free market because there are, in fact, no dollars; there are only commodities, such as wheat, cars, and gold.

Likewise, the names of other currencies stood for a fixed amount of gold. The habit of regarding these names as a separate entity from gold emerged with the enforcement of the paper standard. Over time, as paper money assumed a life of its own, it became acceptable to set the price of gold in terms of dollars, francs, pounds, etc. (The absurdity of all this reached new heights with the introduction of the floating currency system).

In a free market, currencies do not float against each other. They are exchanged in accordance with a fixed definition. If the British pound stands for 0.25 of an ounce of gold and the dollar stands for 0.05 ounce of gold, then one British pound will be exchanged for five dollars. This exchange stems from the fact that 0.25 of an ounce is five times larger than 0.05 of an ounce, and this is what the exchange of 5-to-1 means. In other words, the exchange rate between the two is fixed at their proportionate gold weight, i.e., one British pound = five US dollars.

The absurdity of a floating currency system is no different from the idea of having a fluctuating market price for dollars in terms of cents. How many cents equal one dollar is not something that is subject to fluctuations. It is fixed forever by definition.

The present floating exchange rate system is a byproduct of the previously discredited Bretton Woods system of fixed currency rates of exchange, which was in operation between 1944 to 1971. Within the Bretton Woods system the US$ served as the international reserve currency upon which all other currencies could pyramid their money and credit. The dollar in turn was linked to gold at $35 per ounce. Despite this supposed link to gold, only foreign governments and central banks could redeem their dollars for gold.

A major catalyst behind the collapse of the Bretton Woods system was the loose monetary policies of the US central bank, which pushed the price of gold in the gold market above the official $35 per ounce. The price, which stood at $35/oz in January 1970 jumped to $43/oz by August 1971 – an increase of almost 23%.

The growing margin between the market price of gold and the official $35 per ounce created enormous profit opportunity, which some European central banks decided to exercise by demanding the US central bank to redeem dollars for gold. Since Americans didn’t have enough gold to back up all the printed dollars they had to announce effective bankruptcy and cut off any link between dollar and gold as of August 1971.

In order to save the bankrupt system policy makers have adopted the prescription of Milton Friedman to allow a freely floating standard. While in the framework of the Bretton Woods system, the dollar had some link to the gold and all the other currencies were based on the dollar, all that has now gone. In the floating framework, there are no more limitations on money printing.

One virtue of fixed rates, especially under gold, but even to some extent under paper, is that they keep a check on national inflation by central banks. The virtue of fluctuating rates–that they prevent sudden monetary crises due to arbitrarily valued currencies–is a mixed blessing, because at least those crises provided a much-needed restraint on domestic inflation.

Through policies of coordination central banks maintain synchronized monetary pumping so as to keep the fluctuations in the rate of exchanges as stable as possible. Obviously, in the process such policies set in motion a persistent process of impoverishment through consumption that is not backed up by the production of real wealth.

Furthermore, within this framework if a country tries to take advantage and depreciate its currency by means of a relatively looser monetary stance this runs the risk that other countries will do the same. Consequently, the emergence of competitive devaluations is a surest way of destroying the market economy and plunging the world into a period of crisis.

A general acceptance of the principles of the flexible standard must therefore result in a race between the nations to outbid one another. At the end of this competition is the complete destruction of all nations’ monetary systems.

When economic journalists speculate about looming inflation risks in the U.S. or any other country, they implicitly assume that each country’s inflation depends on that country’s fiscal or monetary policies, and perhaps the unemployment rate. Yet there was an approximately 1–2 percent inflation in the consumer prices index (CPI) for virtually all major economies in the previous five years.

Inflation rates were surprisingly similar regardless of whether countries had budget deficits larger than ours (Japan and China) or big surpluses (Norway and Hong Kong), regardless of whether central banks experimented with “quantitative easing” or not, and regardless of whether a country’s unemployment rate was 16.9 percent (Spain) or 1.3 percent (Thailand).

The latest year-to-year rise in the CPI was below 1 percent in Japan and Switzerland, 1.5 percent in Hong Kong and the Euro area, 1.6 percent in Canada and China, 1.8 percent in Sweden, 1.9 percent in Norway and Australia, 2 percent in South Koreas and 2.1 percent in the U.S.  Among major countries, U.K. was on high side with inflation of 2.7 percent.  Three economies with super-fast economic growth above 6 percent (India, Malaysia and the Philippines) do have slightly higher inflation—above 3 percent—but the CPI is up just 1.6 percent in one of them, namely China.

The remarkable similarity of CPI inflation rates is surprising since countries measure inflation differently and consume different mixes of goods and services. The fact that inflation rates are nonetheless so similar, and move up and down together, suggests that inflation is largely a global phenomenon.  The U.S. may well have a disproportionate influence on global inflation, since it accounts for about 24 percent of global GDP and key commodities are priced in U.S. dollars.  Yet U.S. inflation nonetheless goes up and down in synch with other major economies.

Average world inflation is higher than inflation among major economies, however, because there are always some countries in chaos with untrustworthy currencies and extreme inflation—currently that includes Venezuela (741 percent), South Sudan (118 percent), North Korea (55 percent), Congo (52 percent) and Syria (43 percent).

The similarity of inflation, aside from a few extremes, is due to arbitrage among traded goods (though less so for local services). If exchange rates were fixed, the law of one price would prevent the same goods from selling at different prices in different places (aside from transportation costs, tariffs and sales taxes). Arbitrage—traders buying low and selling high—would ensure that prices varied only temporarily from one country to another.  

Differences in inflation, including the extreme cases, is largely explained by exchange rates.  Countries with a strong currency reputation (Switzerland) invariably have less inflation than countries that mistakenly pursue chronic currency depreciation as a boost to trade (Turkey).  Anticipated devaluation is preemptively negated by rising wages and prices, which doesn’t help competitiveness.

On the other hand, when currencies rise against the U.S. dollar that makes oil and other commodities cheaper in terms of such rising currencies, which tends to boost world demand for industrial materials and grains and thus put upward pressure on commodity prices in dollars. Trying to forecast inflation in one country alone is a futile exercise without taking into account global price trends and national exchange rates.

Blockchain is our only hope to bypass government, creating a pure anarchy without gods, masters, and kleptocrats.  Fiat money and governments will eventually disappear.

Government is too self-interested to be trusted to maintain a currency that sustains its value. The blockchain experiment may not be the answer. But the renegade entrepreneurs keep trying. For on the face of it, any currency that costs nothing to multiply, when its manufacturer actively benefits from running the presses, will inexorably fritter to confetti. Citizens in any income stratum should have a right to expect that a euro in their pocket today will buy a euro’s worth of goods or services tomorrow. But apparently that’s pie-in-the-sky.

Imagine a secure international cryptocurrency whose steady value was not subjected to deliberate, systematic decay, whose supply was strictly limited, whose coin was universally accepted, and whose production was beyond the control of the state. 

The cryptocurrency community is divided on whether bitcoin is a side show or the show. However, the fundamental breakthrough is not necessarily bitcoin but the blockchain technology, which is the distributed ledger that tracks these transactions. Entries cannot be changed and are transparent to all parties involved. Typically, there is no central authority like a government or a bank controlling it.

Serious players are investing in blockchain technology, It’s hard to point to a serious financial services company or consulting company or technology company that is not already investing quite a bit into this. Some are doing it through bank consortiums.

One such consortium is R3. It works with more than 100 banks, financial institutions, regulators and other stakeholders worldwide to develop its own distributed ledger called Corda. R3 and other groups are all experimenting with different protocols that are independent of bitcoin.

The blockchain’s biggest impact on financial services is to make back office functions more efficient. It’s pretty clear that this kind of almost 19th century way that back office tasks are being handled is just way too slow and way too expensive.

Profit-maximizing entrepreneurs will frustrate the government’s attempt to implement a positive real return on money through deflation when the public is willing to hold private currencies. There are, fortunately, alternative policies that can promote stability and efficiency simultaneously. For example, the government may peg the real value of its money. Under this rule, the government can implement an efficient allocation (i.e., supply the amount of money that maximizes social welfare) as the unique equilibrium outcome, although it requires driving private money out of the economy.

Ihe threat of competition from private monies imposes some market discipline on any government involved in issuing currency. If a central bank, for example, does not provide a sufficiently “good” money, then it will have difficulties in the implementation of allocations. This may be the best feature of cryptocurrencies: in a world where we can switch to Bitcoin or Etherium, central banks need to provide, paraphrasing Adam Smith, a tolerable administration of money. Currency competition may have, after all, a large upside for human welfare.

QUESTIONS

  1. What is an international monetary policy?
  2. What should be the targets of an optimal monetary policy?
  3. How could private money influence government money?
  4. How globalization influences monetary policies?

GLOBALIZATION










 

 

Globalization is the process of international integration arising from the interchange of world views, products, ideas and mutual sharing, and other aspects of culture. Advances in transportation, such as the steam locomotive, steamship, jet engine, container ships, and in telecommunications infrastructure, including the rise of the telegraph and its modern offspring, the Internet, and mobile phones, have been major factors in globalization, generating further interdependence of economic and cultural activities.

Though scholars place the origins of globalization in modern times, others trace its history long before the European Age of Discovery and voyages to the New World. Some even trace the origins to the third millennium BCE. Large-scale globalization began in the 19th century. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, the connectivity of the world’s economies and cultures grew very quickly.

The concept of globalization is a very recent term, only establishing its current meaning in the 1970s, which ’emerged from the intersection of four interrelated sets of “communities of practice”: academics, journalists, publishers/editors, and librarians. In 2000, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) identified four basic aspects of globalization: trade and transactions, capital and investment movements, migration and movement of people, and the dissemination of knowledge. Further, environmental challenges such as global warming, cross-boundary water and air pollution, and over-fishing of the ocean are linked with globalization. Globalizing processes affect and are affected by business and work organization, economics, socio-cultural resources, and the natural environment.

The world is becoming ungovernable. Kleptocrats have found themselves unemployed, because the economy has become global while governments remain national. Transnational companies reduce racism, because you cannot be global and racist, and encourage anarchy, because national governments become powerless.

 

The current resurgence of populist nationalism in the United States and Europe reflects the pushback against these long-held dogmas of transnationalism, and resistance to the denigration of national identities. Populist nationalism has deep and wide support. Resistance is very widespread and vigorous. Facing global threats from rivals and enemies passionate about their own national identities, the interests and security of Occident will be better protected if its citizens are allowed to express without recriminations their autonomy.

Globalization has fallen into disrepute. More and more people are rejecting it outright as unfair and as a source of all sorts of evil — including economic crises and migration.

This kind of blanket condemnation of globalization however is a huge problem. The reason for this becomes apparent if one considers the fact that globalization has two dimensions, an economic and a political one.

Economic globalization is synonymous with the cross-border division of labor. Today, no country produces solely to satisfy its own needs, but instead also for producers and consumers in other countries. And each country makes what it knows best, relatively speaking.

Economic globalization, with free trade being a natural component, increases productivity. Without it, the poverty on this planet would not have been reduced to the extent it has been over the past decades.

From the very outset, political globalization has nothing to do with economic globalization. It aims to direct and determine all relations between people on the various continents by way of authoritarian rule. The decision about what is being produced and consumed as well as where and at what time isn’t to be found by the free market, the division of labor and free trade, but instead by an ideological-political creative force.

The core argument of political globalization is that coping with ever more complex problems of this world — ranging from economic crises to the protection of the environment — requires a central decision-making process. The nation state — as a sovereign representative of people — has become obsolete and needs to be replaced by a globally active political power.

Of course, the thinking behind this opinion is purely socialist-collectivist.

It is also the basis of the European Union (EU). Ultimately, it aims to create a European super state, in which nation states will dissolve like sugar cubes in a hot cup of tea.

For the foreseeable future, this dream has come to an end. The desire to realize uniformity has foundered amid hard political and economic realities. The EU is undergoing radical change — at the very last following the British decision to leave the EU — and may even be about to break up.

With Donald J. Trump taking over as president of the US there is no longer any intellectual support by the US for the European unification project. The change of power and direction in Washington has ousted the political globalizers — which gives hope that the future US foreign policy will be less aggressive in military terms. President Trump — unlike his predecessors — doesn’t strive to enforce a new world order. But at the same time, it is the economic globalizers who are concerned.

And that’s understandable. The Trump administration fancies the use of protectionist measures — be it in the shape of import duties or tax discrimination — to boost production and employment in the US, to the detriment of other countries if need be.

Such an interference with economic globalization and the turning back of the clock wouldn’t just infringe on prosperity. It would probably also rekindle old and new political conflicts. But, it doesn’t have to be that way.

With the gigantic easing of the tax burden — to the tune of $9.5 trillion — President Trump may be able to generate such a positive economic dynamic that all the backward-looking protectionist electoral promises will disappear in a drawer. And that would be most desirable: Globalization — the voluntary division of labor and free trade — promotes a productive and, what’s more, peaceful cooperation across borders. And that’s why it is important to preserve economic globalization.

We see four major geopolitical shifts underway.

First, protectionism is growing. The US, Russia, and India have each introduced more than 500 discriminatory trade measures since 2009. Global Trade Alert reports that in 2016 alone more than 500 discriminatory measures and only 300 liberalizing measures were introduced worldwide.

Second, the ability of multilateral institutions to establish and enforce shared rules seems to be weakening. Bilateral agreements based on national interests are taking precedence over multilateralism.

Third, the dominant role of Western countries in the multilateral financial institutions that have provided global capital appears to be receding as new financial institutions emerge, such as the China- backed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank.

Fourth, state capitalism is on the rise: examples include the growing economic role of state-owned enterprises and sovereign wealth funds and the increased direct government support of domestic industries. Sovereign wealth funds now manage portfolios valued at $7.3 trillion, compared with the $4.2 trillion in assets under management by closed-end private funds, according to the financial market research firm Preqin.

Equally profound are the structural shifts in the world economy that have been set in motion by digitalization. We see three forces at work:

  • Industry 4.0. In addition to boosting productivity by as much as 30% and reducing labor costs, advanced digital manufacturing systems let businesses alter their global production and delivery footprints by making it feasible to operate smaller, more flexible facilities closer to customers around the world instead of concentrating production in large plants in countries with low labor costs.
  • Digital Platforms. Both traditional companies such as General Electric, with its Predix platform, and relative newcomers such as Uber, Airbnb, and India’s Flipkart are gaining access to borderless global markets through their information technology platforms and ecosystems of local partners. In the period from 2012 to 2015, some platform-based companies grew at a rate in excess of 100%, compared with single-digit growth at established multinational companies.
  • Digital Services. Advances in digital technologies and platforms are enabling the rapid growth of cross-border digital services such as online travel booking, entertainment sites, and asset performance improvement services. New value-added services are becoming a key generator of value and revenue growth for traditional businesses.

Together, these geopolitical and digital shifts are redefining the economic, business, and political models of the old globalization framework, giving rise to a very different paradigm.

  • The New Economic Model. The global economy is becoming fragmented and multipolar, with more countries driving global growth. In emerging markets, economic growth rates, development models, and the chief sources of growth—such as manufacturing, services, and consumption—are diverging. Flatter growth in merchandise trade will continue to translate into lower growth in global GDP, at least in the short to medium term.
  • The New Business Model. Because growth in trade, especially merchandise trade, and in cross-border investment is slowing as a result of rising protectionism, shifts in global manufacturing costs, and the economics of Industry 4.0 technologies, companies must find new drivers of global growth. These forces are also decentralizing global supply chains, while growth in digital services and platforms is integrating many parts of businesses and the ecosystems in which they operate.
  • The New Political Model. As the influence of the world’s biggest economic powers wanes, nationalism and political interests are taking precedence over globally shared economic goals. Sudden changes in policy and regulation are becoming the new normal. There is still potential, however, for countries to collaborate to address cross-border issues such as cybersecurity, international terrorism, and tax havens.

Sharpen the focus on customers. As companies offer more and more services and solutions to more and more digitally connected buyers, relationships with customers will need to be more than transactional. As the chief strategy officer of a global industrial goods company noted, to make the transition from selling transportation equipment to providing mobility solutions, “our entire sales organization will need to become more customer centric and understand customers’ needs—not just for equipment and upgrades but also for real-time maintenance and platform solutions.” As many global firms set up services and solutions businesses that cut across products, responsibility for profit and loss could shift from product business units to those that own customer relationships.

Decentralize operations and decision rights. The traditional matrix model of overarching tiers of global and regional management control over function areas and product groups is being replaced by more flexible and decentralized structures that empower management teams in individual markets. The need to serve local customers, respond to growing regulation and economic nationalism, and take advantage of local capital will require companies to strengthen their local operations. Decision rights will likely have to decentralize as well. In this environment, global organizations will increasingly achieve scale by using digital technology to exchange information and maintain global standards. “Technology is now enabling real-time data collection at the local level, removing the need for layers of regional and matrix oversight,” explained the chief operating officer of a global consumer goods company.

Centralize select global functions. Greater connectivity and advances in computing and digital technologies are also enabling companies to centralize some critical functions in one location run by a single global team. These teams could be located at headquarters or wherever the company has the greatest capabilities. An example is clinical diagnostics. The global analytics team of a leading medical provider we spoke with uses its access to vast amounts of data to provide diagnoses of tomography scans that are more accurate than those of most physicians in the field. Product design and marketing are other functions that could become more centralized as data is collected locally and then sent via a digital platform for analysis at one location by a team that then uses the insights to develop solutions.

 

Globalization renders global employees into expats while living and working in their own country. This is an important point because when you’re dealing with globalization, people have to detach from their native languages and cultures in order to move into this third space, so to speak. The expat perspective is the experience that says, “You cannot hold on to your identity. You need to migrate to a global identity, whether you’re an expat in your own country linguistically, culturally, or both.” Detachment and adaptation is why the expat perspective is crucial for global organizations. In a sense, what this book shows us is that for a company to be truly global, it has to become an expat corporation with employees who are able to walk into their native country sites and operate as if they’re expats in their own country.

A language strategy is a full-in, full-on undertaking that should be regarded as a radical change. Overlooking the change management work that is required—like encouraging buy-in and sustaining employees’ belief in their capacity to acquire the new language, culture, or both—is crucial. Tactics that help people feel more confident and motivated include continual messaging, internal marketing, and branding the organization as global. Finally, this type of globalization work is a multi-year journey. A one-language culture is increasingly a must for some or all parts of globalizing firms.

Developing language or cross-cultural fluency in the course of globalization is difficult. Employees have to climb steep learning curves. They will also be exposed to differences at work, an inevitable outgrowth that comes with globalization.

The most successful global employees in climbing the learning and culture curve exhibited Global Work Orientation, which consists of five attitudes and behaviors:

  • Positive indifference is the ability to overlook cultural differences as being not especially important or worthy of attention, while remaining optimistic about the process of engaging the culture seen as foreign.
  • Seeking commonality between cultures enables employees to draw closer to a foreign culture and become receptive to its differences.
  • Identifying with the global organization’s values and goals, rather than those of a local office.
  • Initiating cross-border interactions as much as possible develops trust and shared vision among international coworkers. Interactions are also vital for sharing knowledge across sites.
  • Aspiring for a global career is also important, because people who envision a globally expansive professional advancement make decisions that reinforce their competencies.

Economic cluster theory has been used to describe the growth of many industries, including the automotive business around Detroit, high tech in Silicon Valley, and digital media in Seoul. These regions benefit by a concentration of complementary resources that might include leading research universities, low cost or highly trained labor, and geographic bounty. Understanding how clusters work can help governments develop effective policies for creating them, as well as direct entrepreneurs to the best locations to build their businesses.

Economic clusters have had a much wider impact on world economics than generally recognized. Clusters are the building blocks of the global economy. Clusters have been around long before they had a name, showing up in the development of colonial-era industries and earlier. We are proposing a longer broader view of clusters and the role they play in developing economies and globalization at large.

The cluster concept is often used to consider local factor, but there’s a growing awareness that many clusters are also driven by external forces, such as foreign direct investment and multinational corporations, which results in a connection that occurs through knowledge exchange on the local level or across wider cluster networks. In that sense, clusters become platforms for development, which has present-day implications for corporations, governments, and individual actors, especially in emerging economies.

As an exploitative plantation industry, the rubber and palm oil industries in Indonesia and Malaysia couldn’t be considered a civilizing force, at least initially. Yet, after rubber clusters based on foreign-invested estates had developed in the region, entrepreneurial smallholder farmers capitalized on existing infrastructure to farm rubber around the edges of established groves, creating a rubber supply parallel to that produced by the foreign direct-invested estates. This increase in supply drove down prices on the international markets, eventually leading multinationals to move into palm oil—a much more capital intensive crop to process, with higher barriers to entry for small farmers.

Geopolitical forces also played a part in the palm oil industry’s development. After World War II, Indonesia’s Communist-backed government cracked down on colonial business interests, while Malaysia’s government took a softer approach, allowing companies to continue operations in exchange for training and development programs that helped smallholder farmers switch from rubber—which, with the introduction of synthetics, was no longer as profitable and secure an investment as it once was—to palm oil. Unilever, the largest private holder and buyer of palm oil (an ingredient used in its famous “Sunlight Soap” and other products), diversified its holdings from the crop’s native West Africa to the Malaysian cluster.

In the 1950s and 1960s,the two locations shared knowledge of palm oil production even as they competed for market share—a contest that Malaysia eventually won thanks to its more stable political climate and higher quality of institutions. Because the Malaysian government was good at creating policies that fostered the transition from the rubber to the palm oil industry, the local population was able to take advantage of a situation that initially wasn’t so positive.

It can be argued that the palm oil industry today is a major source of deforestation in Southeast Asia, and not always at the forefront of sustainability practices. It can take a while to improve these processes, and he industry is moving in that direction. But, during the 1960s and 70s, the palm oil cluster was a huge engine of growth and infrastructure for rural areas. There are ways to change an industry that starts as extractive to producing externalities that foster development.

Educational institutions gathered and disseminated knowledge about the country’s biodiversity, an effort that, with government support, led to the creation of national reserves and parks.

As with Malaysia, Costa Rica’s relative political stability, compared to neighboring Guatemala and Nicaragua, created competitive business conditions. Foreign tourists from Europe and North America, drawn by the promise of a pristine environment, relocated to Costa Rica and launched startups offering lodging and guided tours in protected areas, an effort that was so successful it created a detrimental snowball effect.

This movement built a reputation for Costa Rica as a natural paradise and conservation hub. At the same time, local actors took advantage of this brand identity to build mainstream tourist facilities that weren’t in line with conservation and sustainability efforts. Some of those businesses diluted the concept of sustainability that created the cluster in the first place.

The historical perspective is important, because you rarely have a linear story. It’s never a one stakeholder story. Taking this longer view, makes it easier to see beyond clusters as self-contained and localized to their more nuanced role as interactive spaces that foster communication and collaboration between foreign and local organizations and individuals and enable the integration of developing countries into the global economy. It’s an understanding that can be useful in the here and now, too.

This could be a good way for multinational corporations and business practitioners to consider the relative merits of competing cluster locations. If I’m an organic wine producer with available resources and people, where is the best place to set up production? Where will the political risk be lowest in terms of regulations for that specific enterprise and industry? Which locations will allow more possibilities to introduce innovative practices or foster sustainability?

Most of the world’s lithium—now in high demand because it’s used in so many electronic products and electric car batteries—is mined in Bolivia and Chile. That’s a concentration not available anywhere else. And those particular conditions—of government, industry, corporations, and the local populations—will no doubt yield new perspectives on the very old reality of clusters. Clusters have been there forever. This is just a way of thinking glocally about a concept that’s everywhere.

Europe continues to descend into lawlessness and dhimmitude. Migrants who travel through a number of countries in order to find the most generous hosts are not refugees, but invaders.

Migration is more than just another issue. It touches upon fundamental aspects of citizenship, community, and identity of our countries. Especially the issue of citizenship is crucial. Citizenship reflects that one belongs to a particular political community. I strongly disagreed with a well-known and often quoted President Obama´s statement when he famously (or perhaps rather infamously) announced that he is a citizen of the world. He was not alone in accepting and promoting this fallacy. European political elites similarly keep saying that they are citizens of Europe. Yet, it is impossible to be a citizen of Europe. Europe is not a political community. One can only be an inhabitant of Europe.

European political communities are the nation states. We are Czechs, Austrians, Germans, Greeks. We speak Czech, Polish, Italian, Hungarian, Greek, not a European Esperanto. We don’t want to erase our borders and to get rid of the distinction between citizen and foreigner. Due to it, we have a strong view about mass migration and refuse the cosmopolitan stances of European political elites and their fellow-travelers.

The misinterpretations of the European migration crisis are based on an aprioristic, progressivist, politically correct assumption of the European political and intellectual elites that migration is a positive social phenomenon, They try to convince us that it is normal to migrate. We strongly disagree, we are convinced that it is normal not to migrate. We find it normal to accept the country one was born in, to identify oneself with it and to take it as a highly respected homeland.

We don’t speak about individual migration, about the slow, non-disruptive, sufficiently humble and non-aggressive procedure known for centuries and millennia. We speak about the issue of mass migration, to the movements of hundreds of thousands or millions of people, to the unnatural processes that are artificially provoked and stimulated. What we see in Europe now is not a spontaneous activity of individuals, it is an organized process.

It has mostly negative consequences. Mass migration necessarily leads to substantial cultural, social and political conflicts, shocks and tensions. It undermines the – for centuries and millennia gradually developed – structure of society in individual countries, their culture, habits, customs, behavioral patterns, ways of life. All that is – by European political elites – highly underestimated. Perhaps not underestimated, they don´t want to see it. They have different aims and ambitions. We should make them explicit.

The current political conflict about migration shouldn’t be misinterpreted as a conflict between humanism and xenophobia, or between solidarity and egoism as they try to present it. It is about something else. It is a conflict between those who believe in freedom and in a nation state and those who don’t share such a belief. It is an ideological conflict.

Mass migration has been justified and defended by means of the failed doctrine of multiculturalism. To herald (if not to worship) this approach is wrong. For countries to function, they need a minimum (which is not low) degree of homogeneity and unity, not a maximum of heterogeneity and diversity, but the ideology of multiculturalism tries to deny this. History teaches us that fragmented and borderless societies can’t exist. Certainly not for a long time. Borders are important. The current migration wave to Europe has been made possible by the fact that the EU borders have been open and unprotected for a long time and remain open even after all that has been happening since 2015.

We challenge the often repeated errors and misunderstandings and especially the claim that we in Europe need mass migration because there are not enough people here to work. It is not true.

Any reasonably thinking person must admit that – in absolute terms – the available labor force in the EU is sufficient. The unemployment figures are high and they are high in spite of the fact that many Europeans voluntarily step out of the unemployment statistics… The spoiled, overeschooled labor force refuses to take up certain jobs. The current pseudohumanistic ideologies offer these people a tempting possibility to leave the labor force, claiming there is in fact no obligation to work. Instead, they are offered financial means from sources other than actual work. 

There are two dimensions to this issue – the would-be absolute shortage of people and the structural discrepancy caused by the fact that Europeans don’t want to do low-skilled, dirty, tough, dangerous, non-pleasant, physically demanding jobs, or they don’t want to be the people who work with their hands and on their feet.

The European political elites try to convince us that we need a steady supply of cheap unskilled labor because there are jobs no Europeans want to do. We disagree. This is a high-brow position of our political elites, which is insulting to millions of Czechs, Austrians, Germans, Greeks who do these jobs. This is the arrogance of our governing class, of our political, academic, cultural, journalist celebrities.

This is also an uneconomic or even anti-economic argumentation. Such attitude has no proper basis in economics. If particular jobs are left unfilled for any lengthy period, it is because the price on offer is too low. This most particularly applies to jobs requiring little knowledge or skill. Such jobs can be filled without too much difficulty if the price is right. If a municipality has difficulty in finding street sweepers, it is because the wage they are offering is too low. There is nothing more to it. Market economy itself is a very powerful mechanism, which provides a solution to shortages of whatever kind. We understood that price movements are able to fix such problems.

We have market economy now, heavily constrained and weakened, but we have in our countries strong and very powerful business lobby groups as well which try to suppress this irreplaceable mechanism. They don´t want the spontaneous adjustments and restructurings. They favor the import of cheap foreign labor instead. This is or may be good for them, not for us, not for unskilled or low-skilled workers in our countries, not for our already overburdened social welfare systems, not for our state budgets and financial systems, not for the efficiency of the economy, not for the health of the whole society. Those who understand it, should help to reject this very one-sided lobbying.

We are very much against the globalist and Europeist mind-set. Our countries are not only a part of the world, they are real entities with real borders and with real people. The citizens of our countries don’t feel they are citizens of the world. We are not morally obliged to treat everyone like us, especially if he doesn´t play by our rules. This should be our very strong point.

While we wish our fellow men in other countries well, it is only our fellow citizens to whom we have a duty and whose rights our government was created to protect. This is not a nationalism, not a xenophobia. This is just a rational thinking.

The West-European countries opened their doors to mass migration of unskilled and low-skilled workers, even though not all of them have come here to work. The political leaders of these countries are aware of this fact. It was a tragic mistake which should be corrected as soon as possible. It is long overdue.

QUESTIONS

  1. What is globalization?
  2. Why economic globalization is good?
  3. Why political globalization is bad?
  4. Why mass migration is bad?
  5. Is Islamization of Europe possible?

DIVERSITY AWARDS

 EY, Kaiser Permanente, Novartis, PwC and Sodexo have been inducted into DiversityInc’s Top 50 Hall of Fame. The companies inducted into the Hall of Fame have demonstrated exceptional human capital management accomplishments and superior corporate values and culture.

The criteria for the Hall of Fame is based on companies who have at one time ranked number one since the 2012 survey. The inductees reflect the longstanding and consistent commitment to diversity & inclusion and results.

In order to maintain one’s Hall of Fame status, companies are re-evaluated annually in the Top 50 competition. The Hall of Fame inductees will stand on top of the Top 50. Future number one companies will all be added to the Hall of Fame. 

Since 2001, the Top 50 list has recognized the nation’s top companies for diversity and inclusion management. These companies excel in such areas as hiring, retaining and promoting women, minorities, people with disabilities, LGBT and veterans. Companies with more than 1,000 U.S.-based employees are eligible and there is no cost to participate. Companies are judged in the following areas:

  • Talent Pipeline (including recruitment at all levels)
  • Talent Development
  • Leadership Accountability (responsible for results, communications, visibility)
  • Supplier Diversity (percent of tier-I and tier-II spend with minority, women-, LGBT-, disability- and veteran-owned businesses)

The DiversityInc Top 50 learning sessions and announcement dinner will take place on May 1st at Cipriani Wall Street in New York City. Nile Rodgers & CHIC will be our musical entertainment. Our keynote speaker is Paul Butler, author of “Chokehold: Policing Black Men.”

America is experiencing a diversity and inclusion conundrum—which, in historical terms, has not necessarily been a good thing. Communities are tearing themselves apart over the statues of long-dead Confederate generals. Controversy rages over which slogan—“Black Lives Matter” or “All Lives Matter”—is truly racist. Antifa street thugs clash with white supremacists in a major American city. Americans argue over whether the USC equine mascot “Traveler” is racist, given the resemblance of the horse’s name to Robert E. Lee’s mount “Traveller.” Amid all this turmoil, we forget that diversity was always considered a liability in the history of nations—not an asset.  

Ancient Greece’s numerous enemies eventually overran the 1,500 city-states because the Greeks were never able to sublimate their parochial, tribal, and ethnic differences to unify under a common Hellenism. The Balkans were always a lethal powder keg due to the region’s vastly different religions and ethnicities where East and West traditionally collided—from Roman and Byzantine times through the Ottoman imperial period to the bloody twentieth century. Such diversity often caused destructive conflicts of ethnic and religious hatred. Europe for centuries did not celebrate the religiously diverse mosaic of Catholic, Orthodox, and Protestant Christians, but instead tore itself apart in a half-millennium of killing and warring that continued into the late twentieth century in places like Northern Ireland.

In multiracial, multiethnic, and multi-religious societies—such as contemporary India or the Middle East—violence is the rule in the absence of unity. Even the common banner of a brutal communism could not force all the diverse religions and races of the Soviet Union to get along. Japan, meanwhile, does not admit many immigrants, while Germany has welcomed over a million, mostly young Muslim men from the war-torn Middle East. The result is that Japan is in many ways more stable than Germany, which is reeling over terrorist violence and the need for assimilation and integration of diverse newcomers with little desire to become fully German.

History offers only a few success stories when it comes to diversity. Rome, for one, managed to weld together millions of quite different Mediterranean, European, and African tribes and peoples through the shared ideas of Roman citizenship (civis Romanus sum) and equality under the law. That reality endured for some 500 years. The original Founders of the Roman Republic were a few hundred thousand Latin-speaking Italians; but the inheritors of their vision of Roman Republican law and constitutionalism were a diverse group of millions of people all over the Mediterranean.

History’s other positive example is the United States, which has proven one of the only truly diverse societies in history to remain fairly stable and unified—at least so far. Although the Founders are now caricatured as oppressive European white men, they were not tribal brutes. The natural evolution of their unique belief that all men are created equal is today’s diverse society, where different people have managed, until recently, to live together in relatively harmony and equality under the law.

Unlike present-day Mexico, China, or Japan, America never developed a fixed idea, either culturally or formally in its written constitution, that race or religion de facto defined citizenship. Instead, an imperfect America was always being reinvented in dogged pursuit of the Founders’ promise of equality and the toleration of difference.

Despite a Civil War that took over 600,000 lives, years of oppression and segregation, dozens of major riots, and thousands of court cases and legislative fights, our American exceptionalism held that America alone could pull off the bizarre idea that diverse peoples could eventually live together as a single people in brotherhood. But the American experiment is not static, nor is it settled. The nation’s racial, ethnic, and religious diversity is by nature volatile, and prone to exploitation by demagogues and opportunists.

A diverse America requires constant reminders of e pluribus unum and the need for assimilation and integration. The idea of Americanism is an undeniably brutal bargain in which we all give up primary allegiance to our tribes in order to become fellow Americans redefined by shared ideas rather than mere appearance.

Unfortunately, there are increasing signs that our political, religious, ethnic, and racial diversity is overwhelming our shared but fragile notion of national unity. Growing geographical separation into blue coastal liberal states and red interior conservative counterparts is starting to mimic the North-South regional divide of the Civil War, a split in national geography that is fueling political differences. Not surprising, there is talk of a Calexit, or a Confederate-like secession of California from the United States—and during the Obama administration, there was news of a secessionist movement in Texas.  

There is currently little real free speech on American campuses. A new kind of racial segregation is occurring in college “theme” and “affinity” houses. Recent street violence in places like Charlottesville between extremists of the left and right resembled the brawling between totalitarian Stalinists and racist brown shirts of 1930s Germany. The successful melting pot is caricatured; the unproven salad bowl is canonized.

Almost everything in America today is politicized and thus polarized, from the fundamental to the trivial: sports events, music, art, Hollywood movies, mute statues, cable television, university curriculums, Silicon Valley corporations, and now even the names of horses. Fewer people are unified. The schools and the media do not remind Americans that their country can be quite good without having to be perfect—and is far better than the contemporary alternatives elsewhere. At the same time, these institutions have convinced Americans that the evils of human kind—racism, sexism, homophobia, slavery, serfdom, and class oppression—are the unique sins of democratic America. Few today appreciate that only in America has there been a culture of self-critique, introspection, and dissent—and thus remedies for the nation’s shortcomings, a self-correcting culture not known elsewhere.

The fashion today is to identify yourself by your ethnicity, race, or sexual preference—as something that transcends both being American and a unique individual. In contrast, there are vanishing incentives for people to simply call themselves Americans, allowing the content of their character to trump the color of their skin. In this regard, we can welcome the recent change in name of the preeminent Latino lobbying group from the racialist National Council of La Raza to Unidos US. (Raza is a Franco-era chauvinistic buzzword meaning “The Race.”)

If America is to survive this fourth century of its existence, it will soon have to recalibrate from “celebrating diversity” to “celebrating unity.” The bleak alternative is history’s long list of genocides, tribal feuding, ethnic warring, religious conflicts, and pogroms. In sum, the United States will at some point have to subordinate the fad of multiculturalism to the ideal of multiracialism: many different-looking Americans who are nonetheless one in their shared customs, citizenship, and culture, while holding diverse political and cultural views not predicated on identity politics.

“Difference” is a plus when it is a matter of enjoying diverse foods, music, fashion, art, and literature that enhance a central, shared, and unchanging set of values based on the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights.

We all enjoy Mexican or Chinese food, but not Mexican or Chinese ideas of democracy and human rights. We all are enriched by Caribbean music but not by Caribbean notions of law and justice. We all value political and ideological diversity—but only when they rely on collective tribal allegiances. And we are impressed by Middle Eastern hospitality and family solidarity, but not Middle Eastern treatment of women, minorities, gays, and diverse religions. What makes millions of immigrants strive to reach and stay in America at all costs is not our racial make-up or our many languages but the racially-blind promise of freedom, liberty, the rule of law, prosperity, and security which are the dividends of Americans abiding by the precepts of the U.S. Constitution.

If America’s set of values becomes a pick-and-choose potpourri, there is no unity. And then America will certainly become yet another one of history’s casualties of diversity.

Diversity and inclusion (D&I) is the new catchphrase of today’s elite businesses and universities. Those institutions assume D&I is both a means—to excellence—and an end in itself, making them more closely resemble the larger world of which they are a part. So understood, companies from Facebook to Apple to Goldman Sachs, and academic establishments from UC Berkeley to Harvard to Yale, have found their new holy grail. Their commitment to D&I is all too often treated as a self-evident truth that none should be allowed to question in public discourse. But this new consensus for D&I, if left unchallenged, has an unintended consequence: unthinking intellectual rigidity, a malaise that all successful institutions must guard against.

The first difficulty with D&I is that it says very little about whom to admit and whom to exclude. Scarcity of places is a major constraint, so any institution committed to D&I has to decide whom to exclude from its community. Ironically, these institutions depend for their success on the institution of private property, which gives them the breathing room on which their cooperative activities rest. Defenders of D&I constantly bewail the bogeyman of exclusion, but no one is suggesting that these D&I stalwarts should select their new students and employees at random, in order to spare every poor soul from the heavy burden of being turned down on the merits. Institutions pursuing D&I necessarily have to adopt policies that privilege some people at the expense of others.

Having chosen its members, D&I champions next embrace a message of “fairness and protection to all regardless of gender, race, religion, ethnicity or sexual orientation.” But rarely do they face up to the conceptual ambiguities and practical tradeoffs that this grandiose statement conceals. Does any organization welcome the individual who is bold enough to reject D&I? More concretely, does D&I make accommodations for employees or students who on bona fide religious grounds are opposed to same-sex marriage? More generally, does D&I embrace, or even tolerate, true intellectual and political diversity? If so, why are there, from top to bottom, so few Republicans or libertarians within their diverse and inclusive ranks? Or does D&I unwisely overvalue skin-deep diversity at the expense of the necessary technical skills needed for particular jobs, like computer programming? D&I supporters pretend that these inescapable trade-offs do not exist: indeed, they all too often take pride in demonizing and excluding those who disagree with them.

In addition, the defenders of D&I too often insist that what works for them must work for everyone else. To be sure, most organizations function best when their members share common goals. Accordingly, large commercial firms often justify the importance of diversity in order to better serve their global clientele. In some contexts, they have made exactly the right judgment. Firm members and employees have to be comfortable dealing with all sorts of coworkers, customers, and contractors from the four corners of the globe.

By the same token, however, too much difference and variation in the workplace can come at a cost as well, undermining the shared sense of mission necessary for organizational success. Unfortunately, the D&I movement downplays the only two ways to deal with these internal conflicts, both of which involve exclusion. The first way is for a firm to acknowledge that certain disagreements cannot be papered over and, therefore, to make accommodations so that members of different religious groups, for example, can pray in separate places. Alternatively, if these differences prove too acute, the whole enterprise can completely split into different firms with more homogenous memberships. These newly divided groups can then interact with each other, if they so choose, by trading goods and services through discrete transactions that do not require the common vision needed within a single firm.

The need for business segmentation thus undercuts claims that the D&I template works universally. Thus smaller firms with specific religious or political ends have to reject the D&I formula. Regrettably, D&I defenders have become ugly in their willingness to resort to government force to compel adherence by others to their cherished norm. They are all too happy with enforcing a so-called “human rights” law that tells religious individuals to close up shop if they refuse to supply flowers, pictures, or wedding cakes to same-sex marriages. That totalitarian excess rests on the bizarre notion that a competitive market cannot function unless every firm agrees to serve every customer. Not so. Competition is dynamic, so if any one firm exits a segment of the market, others will move in to the void. No one thinks that gay activists must be obliged to help organize the weddings of evangelicals. Why not the converse? In the absence of any monopoly power, cooperation through trade yields more economic gain and civic peace than the majority’s efforts to make all dissenters bend to their will. Live-and-let-live is essential for social peace.

This same intolerant frame of mind can exist in both public and private universities. The unfortunate 2010 decision of the United States Supreme Court in Christian Legal Society v. Martinez held that the Hastings Law School could deny to the small and outnumbered Christian Legal Society certain key services because of its religious opposition to same-sex marriage and its refusal to allow gays and lesbians into its membership, effectively gutting the organization. At one time, the Supreme Court was sensitive to the plight of “discrete and insular minorities,” but in the new age of D&I conformity, both courts and former civil libertarians refuse to accommodate outnumbered and outgunned religious minorities, so that they may practice their faith in peace.

The same intolerance is similarly all too prevalent in private institutions. Some time ago I wrote about the perverse decision of Harvard University to force its “final clubs” (essentially, fraternities and sororities) to become coed by preventing any man or woman who joined an all-male or all-female club from holding any leadership role “in recognized student organizations or athletic teams”—even though virtually all sports teams are single sex. Recently, Harvard went one step farther, decreeing that, effective for the entering class of 2018, it will not allow anymore students to join the final clubs, including those that recently went coed under massive administrative pressure. The reason Harvard adopted this radical policy was to counter what it deemed to be the corrosive and toxic influence that these clubs exerted on campus. Once again, the champions of D&I have found it unacceptable to allow any student to belong to any group that failed to conform to Harvard’s singular vision of the social good.

By why this exercise of raw power? At no point did the Harvard report setting out this new policy demonstrate how membership in these clubs created the terrible conditions that were attributed to them. Instead, the sanctimonious and slapdash report rests on a general observation that is easy to make but impossible to refute, namely, that the “pernicious” effects of these organizations “permeate the fabric of campus culture.” The 2017 report offered no evidence of any untoward incidents at the clubs, nor did it show that members behaved in a haughty or disrespectful manner toward others. Further, there was no effort to show that these clubs, which have gained membership in recent years, were somehow rejected en masse by the student body—who, in a recent referendum, rejected the earlier sanctions against the clubs by about a two-to-one vote.

The self-selected doubters have every moral right not to join these clubs, but no moral right to impose their puritanical views on others. By taking this draconian action against the clubs, Harvard has made itself a less diverse place, stifling intellectual and political disagreements. As the Supreme Court, has noted in one of its most lucid moments, the offense, however great, that one person takes towards another is never a warrant to drown their speech or ideas. The same attitude that applies to speech should apply to the offense that people take to all forms of peaceful conduct. Freedom of association requires both the power to exclude and to include.

As a private institution, Harvard can adopt whatever foolish policy it chooses. But it will pay a heavy price for its own dogmatic intolerance. Its pursuit of “diversity” in this form can result only in drab conformity, from which it excludes all those who don’t share its vision. As the racial and religious composition of the United States changes, a pursuit of excellence will quickly lead to a different composition of students at many universities and many firms. But different institutions may choose to follow different approaches, and the great virtue of a competitive market is that it allows natural experiments to determine which approaches work and which do not. Harvard is already lurching toward mediocrity in its relentless pursuit of ideological conformity. Its blunders should be a wake-up call to everyone else.

Click here to register for the event. For more information contact Anita Ricketts, VP, Audience Development, at 973-494-0501 or ARicketts@diversityinc.com.  

About DiversityInc: A web-based publication serving more than 450,000 unique monthly visitors. DiversityInc is a VA certified veteran-owned business and a USBLN certified business owned by a person with a disability. For more information, visit www.diversityinc.com and follow us on FacebookTwitter and LinkedIn @DiversityInc

Contact: 
Yartish Bullock | YBullock@diversityinc.com | 973-494-0535

THE WINE DOWN BY WINE DIALOGUES

Do your palms sweat at the sight of a lengthy wine list? Do you pick wine at random because you don’t know the difference between a Chardonnay or Cabernet? E. & J. Gallo Winery, one of the world’s largest wineries, announces the launch of a new podcast series called “The Wine Down by Wine Dialogues,” hosted by comedian and self-proclaimed wine novice, Ben Schwartz. The seven-episode season is a crash course in wine education that breaks down the world of wine for people who love it but don’t know the first thing about it.

“Wine is a wonderfully complex and diverse beverage, and that can be intimidating for a casual wine drinker,” said Suzanne Denevan-Brown, Publisher of Wine Dialogues by E. & J. Gallo Winery. “However, you don’t have to be a wine expert to enjoy wine or even talk about it. With ‘The Wine Down,’ we wanted to create something that would show people you can have as much fun talking about wine as drinking it.”

Each episode, Ben sits down with a wine expert and a guest comedian to talk, taste and break down all things wine. Each week, Ben and his guests pick the brains of different winemakers to discuss impressive topics like the effects of barrel-aging or the implications of terroir and climate. They also had a little fun along the way, including learning what wine pairs best with waffles and creating a harvest call. “The Wine Down by Wine Dialogues” explores all the questions you’ve had, didn’t even know you have, or may be afraid to ask.

“Taping this podcast was a blast. It was just me and my buddies sitting around, having wine and silly conversations, but also learning something along the way,” said Schwartz. “I’ve always loved wine, but now I can sound like I know a little something about it.”

The series premiere titled, “Can I Ask You a Question, Sweet Winemaker?” is available now with new episodes released each Wednesday. To listen to “The Wine Down by Wine Dialogues,” subscribe or download wherever you find your favorite podcasts.

“The Wine Down by Wine Dialogues” is the first original wine podcast created in association with William Hill Estate Winery, created and produced by IMG Original Content. Endeavor Global Marketing, the cultural marketing agency within the Endeavor network, represented Wine Dialogues on the project.

See below for the full list of episodes in Season 1:

March 28: “Can I Ask You A Question, Sweet Winemaker?”
Winemaker Mark Williams from William Hill Estate Winery and guest Scott Aukerman join the episode to chat about the best places to drink wine and the legacy of California and New Zealand wine regions. Featured wines include Whitehaven Sauvignon Blanc, William Hill Estate North Coast Sauvignon Blanc and William Hill Estate Napa Valley Sauvignon Blanc.

April 4: “Ratings, Experts and a Home-Schooled Chipmunk”
Winemaker Michael Eddy of Louis Martini Winery joins Ben and his guests Jake Hurwitz and Amir Blumenfeld to explain what wine ratings mean and what they say about your wine preferences. Featured wines include Frei Brothers Russian River Valley Chardonnay, J Vineyards & Winery Black Label Pinot Noir and Louis M. Martini Sonoma County Cabernet Sauvignon.

April 11: “Que Queche Bubbly”
E. & J. Gallo Winery’s Lauren “LC” Castelluzzo and guest Kate Berlant join the episode for elaborate toasts and to talk about the history of bubbles, why we love it for special occasions and how bubbles have changed. Featured wines include La Marca Prosecco and Barefoot Bubbly.

April 18: “The Grapes Talk Back”
Winemaker Dave Coventry of Talbott Vineyards joins guest Eugene Cordero this episode to talk about the best places to “raise grapes” and how it affects wine flavors. Featured wines include MacMurray Central Coast Pinot Noir, Talbott Sleepy Hollow Vineyard Chardonnay and Talbott Sleepy Hollow Vineyard Pinot Noir.

April 25: “Good Day Rosé”
Winemaker Beth Liston from Dark Horse Wines and guest Laura Moses join the episode to talk all things Rosé and how our obsession with the varietal started. Featured wines include Fleur de Mer Rosé, Apothic Rosé and Dark Horse Rosé.

May 2: “Straight from the Barrel in Napa
Winemaker Michael Eddy from Louis Martini Winery returns with guests Jake Hurwitz and Amir Blumenfeld to walk through the vines with Ben and talk about what makes Napa wines so special. The featured wine is Louis M. Martini Napa Valley Cabernet Sauvignon.

May 9: “Tasting Menus, Pairings and Best Friends”
E. & J. Gallo Winery’s Scott Kozel guides Ben and his guest Jake Hurwitz and Amir Blumenfeld through a wine and food pairing to highlight the best of California cuisine and wine. The featured wine is William Hill Estate Napa Valley Chardonnay.

ABOUT E. & J. GALLO WINERY
Founded by brothers Ernest and Julio Gallo in 1933 in Modesto, California, E. & J. Gallo Winery is the world’s largest family-owned winery and the acclaimed producer of award-winning wines and spirits featured in more than 90 countries around the globe. A pioneer in the art of grape growing, winemaking, sustainable practices, marketing and worldwide distribution, Gallo crafts and imports wines and spirits to suit a diverse range of tastes and occasions, from everyday offerings to boutique, luxury bottlings.

The Gallo portfolio is comprised of more than 90 unique brands, including Barefoot Cellars, Dark Horse, and Gallo Family Vineyards, as well as premium box wines The Naked Grape and Vin Vault. Premium offerings include Apothic, Chateau Souverain, Carnivor, Columbia Winery, Ecco Domani, Edna Valley Vineyard, J Vineyards & Winery, Louis M. Martini, MacMurray Estate Vineyards, Mirassou, Orin Swift, Talbott Vineyards, and William Hill Estate, along with highly acclaimed imports, such as Alamos, Brancaia, La Marca, Las Rocas, Martín Códax, Whitehaven, and LUX Wines, importers of Allegrini, Argiano, Jermann, Pieropan and Renato Ratti. Gallo Spirits offers New Amsterdam Vodka and Gin and E&J Brandy, in addition to imported Scotch whiskies from Whyte & Mackay, including The Dalmore, Jura Single Malt and John Barr Blended.

Contact:
Alice Hennessy
Endeavor Global Marketing
ahennessy@endeavorco.com

Colleen Dourney
E. & J. Gallo Winery
Colleen.Dourney@ejgallo.com

RETAIL-KING AMAZON

This Giant Infographic Has 140+ Facts on the Scale of Amazon

 

As Amazon continues its takeover of the retail sector, the scale at which it operates continues to impress.

Today’s infographic continues along that same thread, except this time focusing on Amazon from more of an operational perspective.

Amazon: At a Glance

Amazon has more than 304 million users, and 3 billion products selling on their 11 marketplaces – and every day, 1.3 million new products are added.

The company has a 43.5% market share of U.S. ecommerce spending. It’s no surprise then, that the average customer spends $700 per year with Amazon, and that 34.7 items are shipped every single second.

Shipping and Logistics

Amazon has 45,000 warehouse robots that work in the company’s 77 million square feet of warehouse space. This is equivalent to the size of 1,336 football fields.

The biggest single warehouse is in Schertz, TX, just outside of San Antonia, which alone measures 1,264,200 square feet. Warehouses this size can ship up to 1 million items per day during the holiday rush.

Amazon Prime and Partners

A whopping 64% of U.S. households have Amazon Prime, which has proven to be a lucrative model for Amazon since those subscribers spend $1,300 per year on the site. Impressively, there are 40 million items eligible for Prime, and 8,000 cities where same-day shipping is a possibility.

Amazon Partners also play a big role in the ecosystem. There are 2 million sellers on Amazon, and 70,000 of them have sales of $100,000 or more per year using Amazon as a selling platform.

Why do sellers use Amazon? About 47% of sellers say it’s because it gives them access to new customers, while 65% say it’s to increase sales.

The top five categories for Amazon sellers: Clothing, Shoes & Jewelry, Electronics, Home & Kitchen, Sports & Outdoors, and Books.

The trend toward the experiential is the main driver of successful retail in the future. From now on, there is no day off, no downtime; consumers are on all the time, and so should retailers be. Retailers are not just competing with other retailers and other brands. They’re competing for what consumers want to spend money on. The U.S. apparel industry last year grew 3%, while the U.S. domestic travel industry grew 5%, and there are seven million more cruise passengers today than there were 10 years ago.

Last year, for the first time, American consumers spent more at bars and restaurants than on groceries. People are spending more on experiences. We know they want to look good when they’re taking all those selfies – so how can retailers be there?

We expect winners to emerge from retailers that can find innovative ways to deliver goods. Free shipping is ubiquitous, but is also one of the largest P&L expenses from an e-commerce standpoint. It’s just not sustainable having UPS and FedEx be the core delivery system. Amazon has done great stuff around drones and developing pick-up spots. We see that trend increasing.

Providing an omnichannel customer experience requires companies to become more flexible and responsive. Although consumers have quickly adopted digital channels for both service and sales, they aren’t abandoning traditional retail stores and call centers in their interactions with companies. Increasingly, customers expect omnichannel convenience that allows them to start a journey in one channel (say, a mobile app) and end it in another, by picking up the purchase in a store.

For companies, the challenge is to provide high-quality service from end to end, regardless of where the ends might be. That was the case for a regional bank that sensed that too many customers were falling into gaps between channels. Mapping its customers’ journeys confirmed the suspicions. Four out of five potential loan customers visited the bank’s website, but from there, their paths diverged as they sought different ways to have their questions answered. About 20 percent stayed online, another 20 percent phoned a call center, and 15 percent visited a branch, with the remainder leaving the process.

The channels’ differing performance pointed to specific problems. Ultimately, more than one-fifth of customers who visited a branch ended up getting loans. But in the online channel, less than 1 percent got a loan after almost 80 percent dropped out rather than fill in a registration form. Finally, in call centers, a mere one-tenth of 1 percent of customers received a loan—perhaps not surprising, since only 2 percent even requested an offer.

To integrate digital and traditional channels more effectively, the bank had to become more agile, with the understanding that its one-size-fits-most processes would no longer work. Complex registration forms were simplified and tailored to different types of customers. Revised policies clarified which channel took the lead when customers moved between channels. And new links between the website and the call centers enabled agents to follow up when online customers left a form incomplete. Together, these types of changes helped increase sales of current-account and personal-loan products by more than 25 percent across all channels.

 

The secret is in customization: dynamic-pricing solutions must be tailored to a retailer’s business context, objectives, and ways of working. When it comes to dynamic pricing, Amazon is still the retailer to beat. Other retailers continue to marvel at—and attempt to emulate—the e-commerce giant’s ability to rapidly and frequently change prices on millions of items. Amazon continually burnishes its low-price reputation by undercutting competitors on top-selling, high-visibility products, while protecting margins by charging more for less price-sensitive items. Indeed, the success of Amazon and a handful of other leading online players has made clear that dynamic pricing is a critical capability for competing in e-commerce, omnichannel, and even brick-and-mortar retail to drive revenue and margin growth.

But as retailers have begun to invest in dynamic-pricing solutions—whether off-the-shelf or custom-built by third-party providers—they’ve often run into the “black box” problem: none of the end users actually understand the math or logic behind the algorithms. The tools somehow crunch data and spit out pricing recommendations, which are sometimes much higher or lower than current retail prices. The pricing staff thus ends up rejecting them entirely because they don’t trust the recommendations.

Overcoming that trust barrier requires customizing every part of the solution, including the implementation. In our experience, a dynamic-pricing solution should be optimized for use by category managers and pricing managers. These end users should be involved in developing, refining, and rolling out the tool and be able to override the pricing recommendations. Only when this happens can businesses expect to capture significant and sustained impact—typically, sales growth of 2 to 5 percent and increases of 5 to 10 percent in margins, along with higher levels of customer satisfaction through improved price perception on the most competitive items.

Dynamic pricing plays a crucial role in boosting both consumer price perception and retailer profitability. Many retailers sell about one-fifth of their assortment at very low prices to shape their price image and remain competitive. These key value items (KVIs) are usually top sellers, traffic generators, or highly-searched SKUs whose prices consumers tend to remember. Key-value categories can account for up to 80 percent of an average retailer’s revenue but only half of its profit. The retailer therefore needs to make up margins in the rest of the assortment—the “long tail” items. However, identifying KVIs isn’t as easy as it sounds, and setting and validating prices for long-tail items is difficult precisely because of the sparse historical data on such items.

Dynamic-pricing solutions help retailers overcome both of these challenges. Generally speaking, a robust dynamic-pricing solution should consist of five modules, all working in parallel to generate price recommendations for every SKU in the assortment . The long-tail module helps a retailer set the introductory price for new or long-tail items through intelligent product matching—that is, the module determines which data-rich products are comparable to new items (which have no history) or long-tail items (which, as mentioned, have limited historical data). The elasticity module uses time-series methods and big data analytics to calculate how a product’s price affects demand, accounting for a wide variety of factors including seasonality, cannibalization, and competitive moves.
The KVI module estimates how much each product affects consumer price perception, using actual market data rather than consumer surveys. This enables the module to automatically detect changes as to which items consumers perceive as KVIs. While a best-in-class solution includes all five modules, retailers can often begin with only the KVI and competitive-response modules. These help retailers nimbly respond to competitive moves on key items. Retailers can then add the rest of the modules over time.

Developing a world-class dynamic-pricing solution starts with a thorough understanding of the retailer’s business context and objectives, and then translating those into mathematical “recipes” that can be executed repeatedly. Careful selection of the inputs, as well as the sophistication of the underlying analytics, will largely determine the accuracy of each module’s calculations. The tool needs to be flexible and adaptable enough for businesses to customize the inputs and features based on their particular objectives and existing capabilities, which greatly increases confidence in the outputs. And of course, whether category managers and pricing managers will ultimately use the solution in their daily work depends partly on how intuitive the interface is and how easily it integrates into the retailer’s existing systems and work flows.

To build a case for dynamic pricing, a retailer could first quantify the potential of introducing dynamic pricing into the organization—for instance, by systematically comparing the retailer’s price levels to those of its chief competitors, assessing how frequently competitors change their prices, and studying how competitors react to the retailer’s own price changes. The findings from such an exercise will almost certainly spur the retailer to take action on dynamic pricing.

The next logical step would be to conduct a pilot in a handful of categories for concept design and testing. Done right, the pilot—and the subsequent rollout of dynamic pricing across all product categories—will yield meaningful improvements in revenue, profit, and customer price perception.

The following examples illustrate how retailers can tailor dynamic-pricing modules to their particular business needs and objectives. In each case, the retailer collected massive amounts of granular data, used advanced analytics, and made sure that category managers and pricing managers participated in developing and testing the solution.

A US-based general retailer with more than two million SKUs in its assortment had two high-priority business objectives that required frequent trade-offs: to maximize absolute revenues and to increase productivity. The objective functions of the algorithms in each of its modules therefore had to be adjusted accordingly—a level of customization that wouldn’t have been feasible with an off-the-shelf solution.

To build its long-tail module, the retailer assembled a rich set of data, including daily sales data for its 100,000 top-selling SKUs, competitor prices (gathered via web scraping) for those SKUs, data on customer browsing and purchasing behavior, product attributes and descriptions, and online metrics such as impressions and search rankings. With algorithm-design experts and analysts working alongside category managers, the team codified a set of product-association rules specific to the retailer, using factor analysis to assign “attribute similarity scores” that indicated which products its customers find comparable. The retailer set simple ground rules for its product groupings—for example, a grouping should have minimum sales of 20 units a week, or all products in a grouping should be in the same life-cycle stage. The algorithms also helped the retailer understand which of its product prices should move in concert so as to avoid cannibalization effects.

In just eight weeks, the team built working prototypes of both the long-tail module and a competitive-response module. Both were designed and tested with pricing managers to integrate simply into the retailer’s regular pricing processes and cadence. The impact: up to 3 percent increases in both revenue and margins in the pilot categories.

A leading Asian e-commerce player aspired to develop an item-level pricing strategy that could optimize for both profit and gross merchandise value (GMV). To that end, the company knew it needed to be able not only to change prices frequently, but also to take many more factors into consideration when setting or changing prices.

As part of a broader dynamic-pricing effort, the company built an elasticity module. At its core was a multifactor algorithm that drew on data from approximately ten terabytes of the retailer’s transaction records. Data for each product included the price of the product, the price of a viable substitute product, promotions, inventory levels, seasonality, and estimates of competitors’ sales volumes—creating a custom module unique to the retailer’s available data and pricing strategy. The module then generated pricing recommendations, taking into account both of the retailer’s business objectives.

Recommendations were displayed on an easy-to-read dashboard that category managers helped design and test. Category managers, who on any given day would be weighing other important trade-offs with regard to, say, a product’s growth potential or expected additional inventory, could then accept or reject the pricing recommendations. The retailer felt strongly that category managers should have the final word on pricing decisions. After only a few months of using the module, the company saw a 10 percent rise in gross margin and a 3 percent improvement in GMV in the pilot categories.

Looking to stand out from competitors, a leading European nonfood retailer sought to identify and prioritize the KVIs in its assortment. It built a tailored KVI module that could statistically score each item’s importance to consumer price perception on a scale of 0 to 100. The module generated this “KVI index” by analyzing granular internal and external data, including shipping costs, return rates, search volume, number of competitors carrying the product, and competitor pricing. It also identified which other retailers were the true competitors for that specific item. Importantly, the module was flexible enough that category managers could adjust the weighting of each parameter.

The module defined the price range, or the upper and lower price bounds, for each item Each product’s exact price position within the range would then be based on its score in the KVI index. But a KVI index to help set the base price was only the first step. Via the competitor-matching module, the retailer also programmed into its dynamic-pricing solution a set of business rules that would trigger pricing changes. For instance, if inventory levels for a certain SKU were high or if a competitor reduced the price of that SKU, the solution might recommend a price drop for the SKU. These rules would all feed into the solution’s recommended price, which the category manager could either accept or reject based on additional indicators and considerations.

At the end of a three-month pilot, the retailer saw a 4.7 percent improvement in earnings before income and taxes in the pilot categories and identified a 3 percent improvement potential in overall return on sales. And it had a trusted solution that category managers could incorporate into their work flows.

In each of these examples, the retailer custom-built the algorithms and invested time and effort to ensure that the tool was adopted by end users. A test-and-learn approach, beginning with a pilot in a few categories, will help produce a solution that builds trust and yields market-proven, statistically sound results. Just as important, the testing process can pinpoint how best to embed the solution into end users’ existing work flows.

Each of the three retailers invested in detailed documentation and thorough training to strengthen the organization’s skill base and capabilities in dynamic pricing. One of the retailers even established a certification program for dynamic pricing, creating a pipeline of employees who would be qualified to manage and continually improve the pricing process.

In light of the explosive growth of e-commerce, dynamic pricing is fast becoming a must-have capability to drive growth while sustaining margins. By understanding how to move quickly and customize solutions, retailers can build this capability into a significant competitive advantage.

 

In Supply Chain 4.0, supply-chain management applies Industry 4.0 innovations—the Internet of Things, advanced robotics, analytics, and big data—to jump-start performance, and customer satisfaction.

Over the last 30 years, supply chain has undergone a tremendous change. What was once a purely operational logistics function that reported to sales or manufacturing and focused on ensuring supply of production lines and delivery to customers has become an independent supply-chain management function that in some companies is already being led by a CSO—a chief supply-chain officer. The focus of the supply-chain management function has shifted to advanced planning processes, such as analytical demand planning or integrated sales and operations planning (S&OP), which have become established business processes in many companies, while operational logistics has often been outsourced to third-party logistics providers. The supply-chain function ensures that operations are well-integrated, from suppliers through to customers, with decisions on cost, inventory, and customer service made from an end-to-end perspective rather than by each function in isolation.

Digitization creates a disruption and requires companies to rethink the way they design their supply chain. At the same time, customer expectations are growing: recent online trends have led to growing service expectations combined with much more detailed orders. Also, a definite trend toward further individualization and customization is driving strong growth of and constant changes in the SKU portfolio. The online-enabled transparency and easy access to a multitude of options regarding where to shop and what to buy drive the competition of supply chains.

To build on these trends, cope with changed requirements, and enable a wide range of new technologies, supply chains need to become much faster and much more precise.

The digitization of the supply chain enables companies to address the new requirements of customers, the challenges on the supply side, and the remaining expectations in efficiency improvement. Digitization leads to a Supply Chain 4.0, which becomes faster. New approaches to product distribution can reduce the delivery time of fast runners to few hours. How? Advanced forecasting approaches, such as predictive analytics of internal data (e.g., demand) and external data (e.g., market trends, weather, school vacation, construction indices), when combined with machine-status data for spare-parts demand, provide a much more precise forecast of customer demand. What once were monthly forecasts instead become weekly—and, for the very fastest-moving products, daily. In the future, we will even see predictive shipping, for which Amazon holds a patent: Products are shipped before the customer places an order. The customer order is later matched with a shipment that is already in the logistics network, and the shipment is rerouted to the exact customer destination.

Supply Chain 4.0’s ad hoc, real-time planning allows companies to respond flexibly to changes in demand or supply, minimizing planning cycles and frozen periods. Planning becomes a continuous process that is able to react dynamically to changing requirements or constraints (e.g., real-time production-capacity feedback from machines). Even after products are sent, agile delivery processes let customers reroute shipments to the most convenient destination.

New business models increase the supply-chain organization’s flexibility. Rather than maintaining resources and capabilities in-house, companies can buy individual supply-chain functions as a service on a by-usage basis. Service providers’ greater specialization creates economies of scale and scope, increasing the potential for attractive outsourcing opportunities.

An Uberization of transport—crowdsourced, flexible transport capacity—will significantly increase agility in distribution networks as well. Manufacturers may therefore see new direct-to-consumer opportunities in what once was a playing field only for retailers.

With customers looking for more and more individualization in the products they buy, companies must manage demand at a much more granular level, through techniques such as microsegmentation, mass customization, and more-sophisticated scheduling practices. Innovative distribution concepts, including drone delivery, will allow companies to manage the last mile more efficiently for single-piece and high-value, dense packages—fulfilling customers’ customization needs while delivering their orders even faster than is possible today with mass-market, standard products.

Next-generation performance management systems provide real-time, end-to-end transparency throughout the supply chain. The span of information reaches from synthesized top-level key performance indicators, such as overall service level, to very granular process data, such as the exact position of trucks in the network. The integration of that data from suppliers, service providers, and others in a “supply chain cloud” ensures that all stakeholders in the supply chain steer and decide based on the same facts.

In digital performance-management systems, clean-sheet models for warehousing, transport, or inventory set targets automatically. To keep performance-management aspirations in focus even if supply-chain disruptions occur, the systems will automatically adjust targets that can no longer be achieved to more realistic aspiration levels.

We will see performance-management systems that “learn” to automatically identify risks or exceptions, and that change supply-chain variables to mitigate harm. These capabilities enable the automatic performance-management control tower to handle a broad spectrum of exceptions without human involvement, engaging human planners only for disruptive, unplanned events. The resulting continuous-improvement cycle will push the supply chains closer to its efficient frontier.

The automation of both physical tasks and planning boosts supply-chain efficiency. Robots handle the material (pallets or boxes as well as single pieces), completely automatically the warehouse process from receiving/unloading, to putting away, to picking, packing, and shipping. Autonomous trucks transport the products within the network.

To optimize truck utilization and increase transport flexibility, companies share capacity through cross-company transport optimization. The network setup itself is continuously optimized to ensure an optimal fit to business requirements.

To create an ideal workload in the supply chain, the system leverages the high degree of transparency and dynamic planning approaches to drive advanced demand-shaping activities, such as special offers for delivery time slots with low truck utilization.

Supply Chain 4.0 will affect all areas of supply-chain management. Supply-chain planning will benefit tremendously from big data and advanced analytics, as well as from the automation of knowledge work. A few major consumer-goods players are already using predictive analytics in demand planning to analyze hundreds to thousands of internal and external demand-influencing variables (e.g., weather, trends from social networks, sensor data), using machine-learning approaches to model complex relationships and derive an accurate demand plan. Forecasting errors often fall by 30 to 50 percent.

Heavily automated, fully integrated demand and supply planning breaks traditional boundaries between the different planning steps and transforms planning into a flexible, continuous process. Instead of using fixed safety stocks, each replenishment-planning exercise reconsiders the expected demand probability distribution. Consequently, the implicit safety stocks are different with every single reorder. Prices can then be dynamically adapted to optimize profit and minimize inventories at the same time.

In the consumer-goods industry, several of the most prominent global conglomerates are leveraging advanced planning approaches, and a strong interest in broader application can be observed.

Logistics will take a huge step forward through better connectivity, advanced analytics, additive manufacturing, and advanced automation, upending traditional warehousing and inventory-management strategies. Easy-to-use interfaces such as wearables already enable location-based instructions to workers, guiding picking processes. Advanced robotics and exoskeletons could have equally dramatic effects on human productivity in warehouses.

Autonomous and smart vehicles will lead to significant operating-cost reduction in transportation and product handling, while at the same time reducing lead times and environmental costs. Linking warehouses to production loading points may even enable entire processes to be carried out with only minimal manual intervention. Finally, as production facilities start to rely more on 3-D printing, the role of the warehouse may change fundamentally.

Performance management also is changing tremendously, with several major food companies taking a lead in making detailed, continually updated, easily customizable dashboards available throughout their organizations. Gone are the days when generating dashboards was a major task and performance indicators were available only at aggregated levels. Instead, performance management is becoming a truly operational process geared to real-time exception handling and continuous improvement, rather than a retrospective exercise on a monthly or quarterly basis.

Using data-mining and machine-learning techniques, this type of revamped performance-management system can identify an exception’s root causes by comparing it with a predefined set of underlying indicators or by conducting big data analyses. The system can then automatically trigger countermeasures, such as by activating a replenishment order or changing safety-stock or other parameter settings in the planning systems.

Order management is improved through a pair of measures: no-touch order processing integrates the ordering system to the available-to-promise (ATP) process, and real-time replanning enables order-date confirmations through instantaneous, in-memory rebuilding of the production schedule and replenishment needs in consideration of all constraints. The net result is reduced costs (via increased automation), improved reliability (via granular feedback), and better customer experience (via immediate and reliable responses).

The supply-chain cloud forms the next level of collaboration in the supply chain. Supply-chain clouds are joint supply-chain platforms between customers, the company, and suppliers, providing a shared logistics infrastructure or even joint planning solutions. Especially in noncompetitive relationships, partners can decide to tackle supply-chain tasks together to save administrative costs and learn from each other.

One leading consumer conglomerate has already found that collaboration along the value chain allows for much lower inventories through an exchange of reliable planning data. It also slashes lead times, thanks to instantaneous information provision throughout the entire chain, while providing an early-warning system and the ability to react fast to disruptions anywhere.

Following the need for further individualization and customization of the supply chain, supply-chain setups adopt many more segments. To excel in this setting, supply chains need to master microsegmentation. A dynamic, big data approach allows for the mass customization of supply-chain offerings by separating the supply chain into hundreds of individual supply-chain segments, each based on customer requirements and the company’s own capabilities. Tailored products provide optimal value for the customer and help minimize costs and inventory in the supply chain.

Eliminating today’s digital waste and adopting new technologies together form a major lever to increase the operational effectiveness of supply chains. The potential impact of Supply Chain 4.0 in the next two to three years is huge. Expectations include up to 30 percent lower operational costs, 75 percent fewer lost sales, and a decrease in inventories of up to 75 percent. At the same time, the agility of the supply chains should increase significantly.

How did we calculate these numbers? They are based on our experience with numerous studies and quantitative calculations. The three performance indicators are highly correlated; for example, an improved inventory profile will lead to improved service level and lower cost.

Supply-chain service/lost sales. When customer service is poor, the driver is either a wrong promise to the customer (e.g., unrealistic lead times), a wrong inventory profile (ordered products are not available), and/or an unreliable delivery of parts. Lost sales in addition occur if the required products are not available on the shelf or in the system; customers will decide to switch to another brand. This is true for both B2C and B2B environments.

Service level will increase dramatically when the supply chain significantly improves interactions with the customer, leverages all available point-of-sale data and market intelligence, improves the forecast quality significantly (up to more than 90 percent in the relevant level, e.g., SKU), and applies methods of demand shaping in combination with demand sensing to account for systematic changes and trends. With the resulting service improvement, lost sales will decrease significantly.

Supply-chain costs. Driven by transportation, warehouse, and the setup of the overall network, the costs can be reduced by up to 30 percent. Roughly 50 percent of this improvement can be reached by applying advanced methods to calculate the clean-sheet costs (bottom-up calculation of the “true” costs of the service) of transport and warehousing and by optimizing the network. The goal should always be to have minimal touch points and minimal kilometers driven while still meeting the required service level of the customer. In combination with smart automation and productivity improvement in warehousing, onboard units in transportation, etc., these efforts can achieve the savings potential.

The remaining 15 percent cost reduction can be reached by leveraging approaches of dynamic routing, Uberization of transport, use of autonomous vehicles, and—where possible—3-D printing.

Supply-chain planning. The planning tasks such as demand planning, preparation of S&OP process, aggregated production planning, and supply planning are often time intensive and conducted mainly manually. With advanced system support, 80 to 90 percent of all planning tasks can be automated and still ensure better quality compared with tasks conducted manually. The S&OP process will move to a weekly rhythm, and the decision process will be built on scenarios that can be updated in real time. This combination of accuracy, granularity, and speed has implications for the other elements, such as service, supply-chain costs, and inventory. Systems will be able to detect the exception where a planner needs to jump in to decide.

Inventory. Inventory is used to decouple demand and supply, to buffer variability in demand and supply. Implementing new planning algorithms will significantly reduce the uncertainty (the standard deviation of the demand/supply or forecast error), making safety stock unnecessary. The other important variable to drive inventory is the replenishment lead time: with more production of lot size 1 and fast changeovers, the lead time will be reduced significantly. Also, long transport time—say, from Asia to the European Union or the United States—will be reduced, due to a significant increase in local-for-local production. In addition, 3-D printing will reduce the required inventory. We would expect an overall inventory reduction of 50 to 80 percent.

The transformation into a digital supply chain requires three key enablers: a clear definition, new capabilities, and a supportive environment. Defining the digital supply chain starts with an understanding of the current operation’s digital waste. Capabilities regarding digitization then need to be built; typically they require targeted recruiting of specialist profiles. The final prerequisite is the implementation of a two-speed architecture/organization. This means that the establishment of the organization and IT landscape must be accompanied by creation of an innovation environment with a start-up culture.

This incubator needs to provide a high degree of organizational freedom and flexibility as well as state-of-the-art IT systems (two-speed architecture independent of existing legacy systems) to enable rapid cycles of development, testing, and implementation of solutions. Fast realization of pilots is essential to get immediate business feedback on suitability and impact of the solutions, to create excitement and trust in innovations (e.g., new planning algorithms), and to steer next development cycles. The incubator is the seed of Supply Chain 4.0 in the organization—fast, flexible, and efficient.

 

Amazon has expressed a mission to take over the retail world, and it seems to be working. While the company’s chief executive officer, Jeff Bezos, was criticized years ago for plowing profits back into the digital platform, that strategy has given the company the ability to sell virtually anything that can be shipped anywhere.

Their model is that the product is almost a commodity. They can control those products, but what they’re differentiating on is the retail experience and technology. So, they take out all the pain points in shopping, and they lock you in. Amazon Prime is the perfect example. Prime, a subscription service that offers free or low-cost shipping to members, creates incredible loyalty among customers who prefer the ease and convenience.

Another way Amazon builds customer loyalty is through pricing. Its staggering assortment of goods enables it to offer everyday low prices, so shoppers don’t have to watch for a sale. They take out the cognitive dissonance that’s increasingly infecting department store customers who shop and wonder whether today’s the day they should buy something because tomorrow or the next day they might see it at a lower price. There’s a persistent belief that when it comes to clothing, customers prefer to try, touch and feel the garments before they purchase. But more and more consumers are willing to forgo that option for Amazon’s ease.

The old thought is, retail is detail, and they are practicing that at an extraordinary high level. They’re killing legacy retailers who basically have been dropping the ball for years on the basis of poor assortment, poor price strategy and terrible presentation. I think customers, for the most part, will want to touch and feel and try things, but the experience in stores is so abhorrent to so many customers that they’d just as soon not.

The outliers in retail are stores that have managed to stay successful by hyper-focusing on improved customer relations. Nordstrom is one such retailer; Costco is another. If customers are going to spend precious time trudging through a store, they want the process to be pleasant and the sales associates to be attentive.

That’s simply not the case in most brick-and-mortar stores anymore. Too many of our legacy retailers are full of dispirited employees. The stores don’t look crisp and clean, and they’re not well-merchandised, so the malaise that is expanding is really frightening.

More than a dozen clothing retailers that have traditionally populated the American mall landscape have announced bankruptcy, shuttered locations or closed down completely in the last several years, including Macy’s, The Limited, Wet Seal, Bebe, Guess, Payless ShoeSource, BCBG Max Azria, Abercrombie and Fitch — the list goes on. Those who haven’t shut down or scaled back are stagnant, such as Target and Kohl’s.

The legacy retail business is in terrible shape. For big players like Macy’s — who are not in imminent danger of bankruptcy but, frankly, don’t have a strategy to go forward — this is breakage that is just starting to reveal itself. We’re looking at a paradigm shift that’s just getting started. But it’s a fool’s game for these retailers to try to compete with Amazon at this point. They need to chart their own path and figure out what will work.

If you are not willing to change, you are going to lose in this market. For these legacy retailers, it’s very hard for them to change because they’ve had so much infrastructure, they’re so big and they’ve had this established way of doing things that it’s hard for their systems to change, it’s hard for their people to change. Some smaller boutiques and retail clothiers have enjoyed success because they offer their products online, have good customer service and appeal to certain types of shoppers. These stores are green shoots and disruptors.

It’s a myth that all the lost retail jobs will be replaced. While it is true that Amazon is adding a significant number of positions, the assumption that those jobs will be filled by laid-off retail employees is not. Amazon’s fulfillment centers typically are not in major metropolitan areas with a large population, and laid-off retail employees may not be able to pick up and move to where these centers are. The nature of the work at fulfillment centers is also very different than the customer-centric jobs that traditional store employees are used to. In addition, there are few job-retraining programs available. The retail industry is shedding jobs a lot faster than e-commerce like Amazon is adding them. There are going to be far more retail workers out of work than, for example, coal miners.

It’s fair to say that Amazon now provides the largest cloud computing service in the world. The company is continuously investing in technology and infrastructure, including its fleet of delivery jets, trucks and drones. Amazon is also refining its formidable ability to collect and aggregate data about customer preferences.

This is an outfit that doesn’t consider any boundaries as insurmountable. We recently peeked at Amazon’s first grocery store in Seattle, in which customers can walk in and out with nothing, but all their purchases are uploaded to their account and delivered. Amazon’s goal is to lock you into their universe. They can recommend such personalized products that you’ll never want to leave.

 

At the Rebecca Minkoff store in New York’s Soho, “smart” digital walls and mirrors let you tap for a different clothing size or color — as well as a free glass of champagne. At the Warby Parker store near Hollywood, you and your friends can create your own 15-second shareable video in a “green room” furnished with props and backdrops. At Jungle Jim’s International Market near Cincinnati, bizarre animatronic figures entertain you while you browse unusual gourmet foods. And at Pirch’s luxury home appliance stores, you can try out the appliances before buying them, including shower heads (just bring your own swimsuit.)

Other brick-and-mortar retailers offer cooking classes, celebrity appearances, personalized makeup advice, wine tastings: the list goes on and on. Much of this activity, of course, is intended to combat the juggernaut of online ordering via Amazon and other sites.

“The customer can get all of their clothing without ever leaving their bed,” says Stacey Bendet, CEO and creative director of designer clothing company Alice + Olivia. “So the experience in-store has to become more VIP, more exciting.”

But are these in-store “experiences” worth the effort and money that retailers are pouring into them?

“You can’t just [look at] … what’s the ROI on a certain thing in the store, like short-term, immediate impact,” says Denise Dahlhoff, research director at Wharton’s Jay H. Baker Retailing Center. While various measurements are possible — comparing test stores to control stores, measuring differences in amount of revenue or number of new customers — she recommends thinking bigger-picture. Store experiences should be considered holistically, “part of your branding and marketing in general.”

Barbara Kahn, a Wharton marketing professor and director of the Baker Retailing Center, cautions that not all in-store experiences are created equal. For example, simply installing a photo booth in your store probably isn’t enough to get people to come in and shop. Rather, retailers should “create something that’s of value … an experience that people would go out of their way to take part in. Not just incidental experiential trappings.”

She talks about “drop culture” as a successful example. Urban clothing brands such as Supreme create specially-timed launches — “drops” — of unique new apparel that actually draw crowds. The scenario is similar to people camping out outside an Apple store to get the newest iPhone. With Supreme’s drops, she says, you can only get that cool thing if you’re in the right place at the right time. The customer is essentially purchasing excitement, a crowd experience, a social experience in addition to the clothing itself.

Another experiential success, in Kahn’s view, is Eataly, a chain of Italian marketplaces that combines restaurants, grocery stores and cooking schools. It capitalizes on the appeal of Italian culture and sophistication. “It all works together like a little universe,” she says. “There’s a nice synergy there; you can taste the foods in the restaurant … you might then go to the grocery store to buy it so you can make it at home.”

Beauty products, too, lend themselves well to in-person experiences, says Kahn. She says makeup is about “trying on, learning, a little bit of instruction about … what will look good on me particularly; talking to other people.” Physical stores such as Sephora and Ulta are doing well as a result. While cosmetics are of course sold online, too, says Kahn, those transactions are missing that experiential, social piece.

Dahlhoff notes that successful in-store experiences, “because they often involve human interaction, and services, and unique kinds of things … create stickiness and loyalty.” And there are other benefits. For instance, customers engaged in an experience tend to think less about how much things cost. “In this retail environment where everybody’s so focused on promotions and discounts, and nobody buys at full price anymore, adding an experience … diverts your attention from the price,” she says.

Generating in-store excitement is also a way for a store whose offerings don’t change very much to keep customers interested, says Dahlhoff. She references J. Crew, which has held special themed weekends. On one weekend, customers learned how to create their own fresh flower bouquets. Another featured a career theme: Store associates gave advice on career-boosting outfits, and shoppers who spent over a certain amount received a premium LinkedIn account.

If someone has an interesting experience in a store, they may well share it on social media, Dahlhoff says. Wharton marketing professor David Bell agrees and considers this a key benefit of today’s in-store events. He comments that 20 years ago, if 100 people visited your store, maybe 10 of them would tell someone else about the experience. But today, “when you have a physical footprint somewhere, 100 people come and maybe 20,000 learn about it because whatever goes on in there can be amplified through digital.” Your audience has an audience, he says.

“The sales per square foot of someone like a Warby Parker, or an Away luggage … those folks are definitely doing very, very well from the offline retail,” adds Bell.

Less Buzz, More Data?

Wharton marketing professor Peter Fader isn’t quite as convinced of the value of in-store experiences. While acknowledging that they do have a role in the marketing mix, he notes that competing to create ever-more-stimulating retail environments could lead to an “arms race,” similar to the way online retailers have competed to reduce shipping costs and have basically trained customers to expect free shipping. What’s more, it’s easy for businesses to copy in-store event ideas from each other so they no longer serve as differentiators.

Moreover, efforts to create dynamic in-store experiences don’t necessarily insulate retailers from the problems currently plaguing the industry – for example, J. Crew has struggled with debt woes and the recent departures of longtime CEO Mickey Drexler and creative director Jenna Lyons amid declining sales.

Plus, Fader says, with many of the things we shop for, we’re not really looking for a fun and engaging experiences. If you’re just buying underwear or a dish drainer, you probably want to get in and out as quickly as possible. Of the Rebecca Minkoff store experience, he comments, “As if that is going to break them away from the pack. As if that is going to keep people from going to Amazon: ‘Oh, I can get champagne.’”

In fact, he characterizes many of the initiatives that brick-and-mortar retailers engage in — at a time when many companies are forced to close their doors — as merely “rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic.”

For Fader, a better strategy for retailers is to focus on data and analytics: to understand their customers’ lifetime value and find ways to make the in-store experience better for individuals who are more valuable to the business. Essentially, the idea is to treat different shoppers differently and solve important customers’ pain points on the spot, rather than trying to “wow” everyone en masse. “Someone walks into your store and you should know right away, through a mobile app or some kind of status indicator, whether they’re worth lavishing attention on or not.”

But in his experience, retailers are resistant to the idea, unlike their colleagues in industries such as banking, packaged goods, gaming and pharmaceuticals. “I build a lot of these predictive models and teach a variety of companies how to build appropriate strategies around them. And there might be no sector … less willing to embrace it than retailers.” He says that as a group, retailers are risk-averse, afraid of data, and too set in their ways — and he believes they are making a mistake.

“A magic [dressing room] mirror, anyone can have,” says Fader. “But a deep understanding of your customers … you just can’t buy that.”

Online-offline Retail Hybrids

Tying together their online and offline operations – seamlessly — is a goal for many retailers, according to the experts. And it’s evident that online and offline retailers each recognize the value of each other’s business. Bell points out that digital native Amazon recently bought Whole Foods, and brick-and-mortar king Walmart has been buying up a spate of small online companies.

Bell notes that the jewelry, fashion apparel, and home goods sectors have had good success with the “buy online, pick up in store” model. When the customer visits the store to pick up, they may start browsing other merchandise, too. Kahn describes another big benefit of this model: it’s cheaper for the retailer. “The most expensive part of delivery is the last mile to the house. If you can get the customer to go into the store and pick it up instead of having it trucked to you, that reduces costs.”

Alice + Olivia’s Bendet notes that over the past few years, a major focus and challenge for her business has been integrating wholesale, retail and e-commerce “to create a more seamless shopping experience” and to build back-end technology for her company’s future. “I think the best experience is a hybrid one,” she says.

Bell believes that brick-and-mortar retail’s future lies in developing a white-hot focus on customer service and divesting itself from carrying inventory. “What’s wrong with a traditional store in my view is that you’re trying to accomplish too many things. You’re trying to hold inventory, which is a real pain the neck, [dealing with] how many blue blazers you need to have on the floor and how many in the back…. Trying to provide excellent service and manage inventory all at once is completely inefficient.”

He foresees physical stores which showcase only a few key items and offer personalized customer interactions. Purchases are then completed online and the items are shipped to the customer.

He says a similar model can be seen at the online men’s fashion retailer Bonobos (one of the companies recently purchased by Walmart), which runs physical stores called Bonobos Guide Shops. A customer makes a reservation to meet with an associate, who shares style pointers and personalized recommendations. The store holds a limited amount of stock, but has swatches of all the colors available. The shopper makes his purchase on an iPad, and the items are shipped to him the next day. “Separating out the inventory holding from the experience is doing what a store’s really good at, which is giving someone potentially a great experience with the brand,” Bell notes.

Bendet echoes this type of approach to the physical store: “Our salespeople are trained to be stylists, creating a more exclusive and personalized shopping experience.”

Whatever form the experts project physical stores would take in the future, none predict they would disappear entirely. Kahn, while stating that the U.S. is “over-stored” and that many stores are closing or being turned into distribution centers, says, “People do have a need for enjoying their day, for something that’s fun to do.”

She compares in-person shopping to going to the movies — something that pundits were predicting “forever and ever” would go away. “Some people want to go out on a Friday night. They want to do something; they don’t want to hang out in their house the whole time.”

Building hybrid retail is a new challenge that requires new guiding principles. Digital retail relies on the winner-take-all dynamic underpinned by zero marginal costs, network effects, access to data, and user convenience. But hybrid retail cannot succeed through technology and scale alone. Operating in the physical realm means dealing with the messiness of hardware. Hybrid retail tends to have a narrower scope because they require deep domain knowledge and dense business relationships. They tend to grow more slowly both because of physical constraints and because the prerequisites of growth can often be acquired only through experience and commitment. Therefore, hybrid ecosystems will likely not achieve the breadth and scale of purely digital ecosystems.

Consider Toyota, which orchestrates a hybrid ecosystem of suppliers, innovators, and collaborators to enable not just superior manufacturing but constant innovation.6 Toyota’s super-ecosystem is a prototypical hybrid ecosystem, in that it simultaneously involves a dense network of traditional physical suppliers and a newer digital ecosystem that can explore capabilities like fleet management, ride sharing, and autonomous driving. Toyota has built this ecosystem over decades, investing in its partners and their capabilities. Even so, Toyota is just one of the many players in the auto-manufacturing space, with less than 20% share globally.

The difference between hybrid ecosystems and those that are purely digital is reminiscent of a pattern in ecological succession. Pioneer species (so-called r species) in a new niche succeed by prioritizing growth. They quickly conquer the niche by reproducing and dispersing quickly. However, as the ecosystem matures and the environment becomes more diverse, new strategies emerge. In later stages, species optimized for competition in higher-density environments (K species) tend to thrive. Their strategy involves more parental investment in fewer offspring. The strategy shifts are a natural consequence of the changing ecological environment. In the same way, different types of business environments favor different managerial approaches. The management of hybrid ecosystems requires major shifts in approach.

Technology and Relationships. Technological edge is clearly a key success factor for digital ecosystems; delivering a strong digital product, scaling it, and making it possible for stakeholders to seamlessly build on it are all primarily technical challenges. Digital ecosystem orchestrators tend to focus only on certain relationships, neglecting others. For example, Amazon is known for its customer obsession—and for being less focused on its third-party vendors. Hybrid ecosystems face high technological requirements, but in the physical world, where business success often depends on customization, consulting, or enablement, relationships are also important. For an ecosystem to reach critical mass, the orchestrator must deeply understand and shape the real-world behaviors of the people and the enterprises in it. This requires building strong relationships with multiple actors and often developing specific capabilities. Creating value in hybrid ecosystems requires not only transactions but also change management.

Depth and Breadth. The breadth of successful digital ecosystems is one of their chief characteristics. For example, the vast majority of consumers in developed countries use the services of near digital monopolies like Google and Facebook. But these ecosystems tend not to be deep; they are not optimized for specific niches or particular modes of use but instead fulfill the “common denominator” use cases. Hybrid ecosystems need to develop sufficient breadth to reach critical mass but, at the same time, must have a deep focus on particular problems and deploy the relevant domain expertise to address them. Their business model relies on creating greater value by solving specific problems rather than populating a large open niche. Only in this way will they be able to fully satisfy customer needs.

Creation of New Ecosystems and Rejuvenation of Old. Digital ecosystems mostly occupy completely new niches, and the occupiers are mostly upstarts. They have the luxury of starting from scratch and writing the rules as they build out new markets. Hybrid ecosystems will mostly involve existing niches, with existing capabilities and existing competitors. Therefore, hybrid ecosystems must balance between creating entirely new capabilities and taking advantage of or actively reshaping existing ones. They must be able both to create something new and to rejuvenate something old.

It’s natural to ask whether any company has successfully translated these guiding principles into action. Let’s turn to a company that has done so serially and has demonstrated a robust repeatable formula.

Recruit is currently one of Japan’s most successful large companies, with close to 20% annual growth in the past five years in a sluggish economy. The company’s approach to management: to build multiple digital-physical ecosystems in areas as diverse as tourism, dining, education, used-car sales, and recruiting. In each area, Recruit aims to be the orchestrator of a tight, vertically focused hybrid ecosystem of digital and physical players.

For example, Recruit has built an ecosystem of restaurants in Japan by bringing together hundreds of thousands of restaurants and various service providers and developers onto a single platform. Through this platform, AirREGI, restaurants are able to access not only a variety of Recruit’s own services but also dozens of others in areas such as advertising, accounting, work force management, procurement, payment processing, and even cutting-edge recommendation engines powered by machine learning. Although Recruit’s role was to build the digital platform, the company was able to penetrate the physical restaurant market only because it had a capable field force that already had relationships with restaurants and vendors.

Recruit has been successful in building hybrid ecosystems in part because the company underscores the importance of coming up with generalizable formulas (called “kata”). In fact, when it chooses employees for its company-wide innovation award, it explicitly looks for innovations that have the potential to be applied in multiple contexts. Recruit calls its formula for building and managing successful hybrid ecosystems the Ribbon Model. The following five imperatives are some of the key elements of this model.

Create a culture of serial entrepreneurship. Given their tight vertical focus, hybrid ecosystems tend to lack the scale that broad digital ecosystems enjoy. This implies that companies that seek to become hybrid-ecosystem orchestrators must create multiple ecosystems in order to maintain their growth trajectory. In fact, this is how Recruit approaches growth: it has invested in more than a dozen ecosystems.

This means that Recruit must hire and train entrepreneurial talent, and it does so by building an entrepreneurial ecosystem within the company. Recruit acts as seed accelerator, venture capitalist, advisor, back-office service provider, and recruiter for would-be entrepreneurs within the company. Recruit is able to systematically identify, encourage, and nurture entrepreneurial talent through programs that allow any employee, potentially in collaboration with outside stakeholders, to apply to start new businesses, which could develop into new ecosystems. One such program, New Ring, receives more than 1,000 proposals every year and has given birth to some of Recruit’s core ecosystems.

Combine domain and technology experts. The competitive edge of digital ecosystems often lies in their superior technology, and the orchestrators unsurprisingly obsess over technological talent: strong engineers and designers are crucial for scalability and creating a superior product experience. However, in hybrid ecosystems, domain experts are just as necessary to uncover and address deep customer needs. Therefore, the crucial capability of hybrid ecosystem orchestrators is to recruit both domain and technology experts and to bring them together to solve challenges collaboratively.

Recruit facilitates collaboration between such experts by allowing some of its top talent to roam freely across business domains. For example, Recruit was able to vastly reduce the labor cost associated with processing online customer reviews by connecting a content management expert and a machine learning expert, who technically resided in separate companies. Such successes are shared in an enterprise-wide platform to motivate other technologists and domain experts to seek opportunities to collaborate.

Balance all sides of the ecosystem, including the supply side. Within an ecosystem, there is often a particular group of stakeholders that generates revenue (consumers, advertisers, or business clients, for example). It’s tempting to focus on catering to the needs of the revenue-generating side. In digital ecosystems, this group is often end consumers, and suppliers and innovation partners in these ecosystems often feel neglected or squeezed. Hybrid ecosystems, more so than other ecosystems, depend on all participants, and their orchestrators must make sure that each stakeholder group gets its fair share of attention.

Recruit has built this notion into its model for ecosystem management, which places Recruit as the glue between consumers and suppliers, with many explicit milestones between first contact and value creation. For example, the milestones on the consumer side of the used-car-sales ecosystem include number of views, number of inquiries, number of in-person contacts, and number of sales. These milestones are then translated into and measured as KPIs, along with indicators that track the overall health of the ecosystem.

Experiment and co-evolve with other stakeholders. In order to thrive in the long run, hybrid ecosystems must adapt and learn continuously. The orchestrator, which is in the position to set the ecosystem’s direction, must drive this process. But rather than setting the agenda by dictum, the orchestrator should act as an antenna that picks up on learning opportunities as well as an enabler to help guide other partners to address those opportunities. Orchestrators must have the humility to experiment and learn with other members.

At the heart of Recruit’s ecosystem innovation strategy is its strong field force and its emphasis on co-evolution. Recruit’s field force is trained not only to generate revenue and hit targets, but also to build deep relationships with clients so that it’s able to learn about latent opportunities in the market and mobilize stakeholders around them. For example, Recruit coordinated a large campaign called Yuki Maji! 19 to revitalize winter sports in Japan. This campaign, which provided free ski-lift tickets to 19-year-olds, initially experienced strong pushback from resort owners. However, by working with advertisers, government agencies, resorts, and industry organizations, Recruit was ultimately able to persuade hundreds of resorts to participate in the effort, which was a commercial success.

Have the courage to re-engineer old ecosystems. Every successful company faces a dilemma born from its very success: it is often difficult to change what has been working. This is the familiar story of Kodak and Blockbuster, who had extremely profitable business models and ample resources, but still failed to respond adequately to highly visible disruptions. This is a persistent threat for both physical incumbents and digital natives. To win the battle for new hybrid niches, companies must be willing to cannibalize their existing business models, whether digital or physical. Often, this requires creating a sense of urgency to stir up energy for self-disruption.

Recruit experienced this in the early 2000s, when it transformed its magazine-based tourism ecosystem (called Jalan) into an online travel ecosystem. Jalan, which sold advertisement slots in its magazines, faced revenue declines of 5% a year because of increasing competition. Jalan’s online platform had no booking functionality and could not compete with more advanced online travel agents. In the 2000s, Jalan went through a painful transformation, replacing its old business model with a new, untested online model. This required both decisiveness and persistence: Recruit placed new managers (from outside the travel industry) in the business to signal a new direction, and it invested in the new model for seven years before reaching profitability. The approach was like gene augmentation therapy—the company pulled in completely new “genes” to endow an old ecosystem with new capabilities.

Recruit’s experience demonstrates how to be successful in the realm of digital-physical ecosystems. But purely physical incumbents can also be competitive in this realm. Emerging opportunities at the intersection of the digital and the physical give incumbents a new opportunity to build valuable ecosystems.

To make the most of these opportunities, incumbents should recognize that they are no longer playing catch-up but are pioneering a new game—one in which they have the potential to define new niches and new rules. Leaders of physical businesses can take a few lessons from Recruit to aid in their journey.

First, they must reinforce strategic ambidexterity: the ability to explore the new and exploit the old at the same time. Managing conflicting goals is crucial for all business leaders today, but it is doubly so for those attempting to build hybrid ecosystems. That task will be about both technology and relationships, breadth and depth, and creation and rejuvenation.

Second, they must have the courage and the ability to envision and shape new spaces and orchestrate corporate and noncorporate stakeholders. These “shaping capabilities” are often more strongly associated with digital giants than with physical incumbents. It is thus all the more urgent that physical incumbents start investing in the management skills essential for ecosystem building and management.

Finally, they must treat hybrid ecosystems as repeated rather than one-off games. Unlike in digital ecosystems, where winning once was sufficient, hybrid ecosystems will often involve multiple wins and a system for achieving this. Companies may end up as orchestrators in one ecosystem and participants in others. This dynamic will favor plays that invest in a repeatable formula and prioritize trustworthiness and collaboration.

The digital ecosystem is one of the most successful business model innovations we have ever seen. Nevertheless, it is only one of many possible models of collaboration in business. As digital economies grow and proliferate, they will inevitably create new opportunities for digital-physical ecosystems. Incumbents should start preparing today.

DREAM TOILET PAPERS!

Trump watches Berkeley



 

 

 

Tis the season for more than three million college applicants and their parents to stress as college admission and financial award offers begin landing.

 

According to The Princeton Review’s 2018 College Hopes & Worries Survey, the company’s 16th annual survey of college applicants and their parents, anxiety levels about the admission process are consistently high this year.  73% of the over 10,500 respondents reported high levels of stress—17% more than in the survey’s initial year, 2003. For this year, more students (74%) than parents (69%) reported high stress levels.

The rising cost of college may well have contributed to parents’ and students’ college application stress: 99% of the respondents this year said financial aid would be necessary to pay for college. 65% deemed it “Extremely Necessary.”

For the sixth consecutive year, Stanford was the college that both applicants and parents most named as their “Dream” college.  Among students, Harvard was the second most named and MIT was second most named among parents.  (Lists of students’ and parents’ top 10 dream colleges follow.)

The Princeton Review® (www.princetonreview.com), one of the nation’s best-known education services companies, has conducted this survey annually since 2003. Findings for the 2018 survey are based on responses from 10,958 people: 85% were college applicants, 15% were parents of applicants. Respondents hailed from all 50 states and Washington D.C., as well as more than 80 countries abroad. The 16-question survey ran in The Princeton Review book, The Best 382 Colleges: 2018 Edition (Penguin Random House, August 2017), and on PrincetonReview.com from August 2017 through early March 2018.

A complete survey report is at www.princetonreview.com/college-hopes-worries.

Top 10 “Dream Colleges”

Answering the survey’s only fill-in-the-blank question, “What ‘dream college’ do you wish you or your child could attend if acceptance or cost weren’t issues?”, respondents wrote in names of more than 800 institutions.

The colleges students most named as their “dream college” were:

  1. Stanford University
  2. Harvard College
  3. New York University
  4. Princeton University
  5. University of California—Los Angeles
  6. Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  7. Columbia University
  8. Yale University
  9. University of California—Berkeley
  10. University of Southern California

The colleges parents most named as their “dream college” for their children were:

  1. Stanford University
  2. Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  3. Princeton University
  4. Harvard College
  5. Yale University
  6. Brown University
  7. University of Michigan—Ann Arbor
  8. University of Pennsylvania
  9. Columbia University
  10. Cornell University

For survey questions with multiple answer choices, findings among respondents overall (students and parents) indicate:

· Priorities shifting: focus is on finding the best program for a student’s career interests
In 2005, over half the students and parents focused on the best overall college fit when choosing a college and less than 25% emphasized career, while in 2018 career interests were a much higher priority (42% of students and 41% of parents).

· Toughest factor? All the applications
Asked which part of the application process was the toughest, 35% (the plurality) chose the answer, “Completing applications for admission and financial aid,” while 32% of respondents chose the answer, “Taking the SAT®, ACT® or AP® exams,” as the toughest part of the process for them. A majority (69%) of respondents said it is “Somewhat,” “Very,” or “Extremely likely” that they would take (or have their child take) both the ACT and the SAT.

· Main benefit of college? Jobs & Earnings
41% said the biggest benefit of a degree was a “Potentially better job and income” while 34% said “Exposure to new ideas” and 25% said the “Education.”

· College cost estimate? $50,000+
85% estimated their degree to cost “More than $50,000.” 41% said “More than $100,000.” Parents’ estimates were higher than students’.

· Biggest worry? Debt
42% (the plurality) said their main concern was “Level of debt I/my child will take on to pay for the degree.”  In 2006, the answer most chosen by the plurality (34%) was “Won’t get in to first-choice college.”

· Issue of most disagreement between students and parents? Location, Location, Location
50% of parents would like their child to attend a college less than 250 miles from home while 67% of students said they would like to attend a college more than 250 miles from home.

Colleges now sing their swan song. Smart kids do not go to college anymore, and colleges cannot find enough stupid clients to stay in business. Harvard kowtows to Islam, because it receives huge donations from Arabs.  Selling the Harvard soul for petrodollars shows the double standards of higher education and how low college morality can go. Inviting disgusting Jihadis and other terrorists to speak at Harvard makes you vomit.

Mass production of uneducated college graduates is a result of the expansion of college education for all. Colleges exploit students and adjunct professors to serve a few tenured professors. Commencement is a vanity fair to distribute toilet paper! Those who can’t do, teach. Colleges are frauds. Ivy league schools sold their souls to Islam with huge donations from Arab princes. Many administrators rob the funds, many professors trade grades for bribes and sex, and students dumb down!  Anyone who wants to learn anything can do it much better on the Internet, without retreating to fraudulent concentration camps, called campuses. Allons enfants de la Patrie! The college bubble is just about to burst. Kids are being sold on the claim that college degrees are simply a must for future employment but this nonsense has become an artifact of history.

Colleges are full of slaves, called adjunct instructors, on short-term contracts with low pay and minimal long-term prospects. This kind of slavery has been going on for centuries. The adjunct eggheads’ working conditions are the students’ learning conditions.

Working on multiple campuses, juggling curricula, and often having to find additional ways to pay the bills, all are reflections of the low pay and high workload that adjuncts bear. Too often, the results are stress and exhaustion. Egghead-student relationships cannot help faltering under that burden.

Less obvious are the classroom impacts of the precariousness of the adjunct work contract. Those contracts are offered semester to semester, are typically subject to cancellation up to and including the first day of classes, and are most often dependent on the mood of one department chairman, who looks for favors, such as sex, bribes, gifts, and putting his name on an article he did not write!

The lack of academic freedom of adjuncts undermines cherished ideas about the role of eggheads in higher education. This lack of the freedom to speak on charged issues in a majority of college classrooms undermines a much larger awareness and understanding of social justice. The conditions of adjunct employment deprives students of the debate essential to citizenship. A primary unintended lesson students learn from the adjunct paradigm is how to neglect justice.

Adjuncts’ fear affects not just students but also the public at large. When adjuncts, who account for seventy percent of college eggheads, put the renewal of their teaching contracts at risk if they dare tell the truth, or to speak about a controversial issue with a journalist, the role of academics as public eggheads suffers.

A public egghead uses his work to pursue the public good, while addressing the public directly, through writing, lecturing, or being interviewed. An adjunct egghead cannot afford to put the public good ahead of his own job safety in his research or teaching decisions. 

Since WWII, college has falsely been sold as the guarantee of better employment and higher salaries. But the costs outweigh the benefits. There are several problems with college today, not the least of which is its exorbitant costs. Kids are graduating sometimes hundreds of thousands of dollars in debt, a debt many won’t be able to satisfy for decades. Some will never pay it all off. The result is that the costs are fast outweighing the benefits and it won’t be long before people just stop indulging this pointless waste of time and money and will just start to go right into the work force out of High School.

Essay mills seduce gullible desperate students with a rubbish product. Responsibility for that lies with college practice and government policy. Fierce competition between colleges for customers has led to the admission of some students who struggle to write a postcard, never mind an essay. They plagiarize, copy and paste, as many have been taught to do at secondary schools obsessed with their positions in league tables.

Ultimately, students may feel less ripped off by essay mills than by colleges. Prospectuses promise a collegial atmosphere, an unforgettable student experience and unrivaled preparation for a rewarding career. In reality, college managers are running a no-frills, bums-on-seats business with costs pared to the bone and tight control imposed on academics by performance measures. Student satisfaction is purchased with lax academic standards: Eighty per cent of undergraduates can now expect to graduate with excellent grades.  They bribed their professors with excellent evaluations of their teaching methods!

Essay mills provide extensive interaction with writers, turning the construction of essays into the kind of social exercise with which modern students are comfortable. Their existence is nothing more than an indicator of the rot in colleges. Eliminating them, even were this possible, would do nothing to address the basic problems: that neither students nor colleges are much concerned with learning, and that the government either has not noticed or does not care.

All too often, when we see professors who aren’t writing, we look away. If they’re assistant professors, we shrug as their tenure clock ticks — they’ll either make it or they won’t. If the writer’s block comes after tenure, we ignore that too except maybe in their annual reviews, until we finally dismiss them as deadwood.

Publish or perish. Writing-stalled faculty members tend to cope with their frustrations in ways that end up being ineffective, or even destructive. Instead of writing, they throw themselves into teaching and service. They get unnecessarily embroiled in departmental politics. Or they create a flurry of research-related projects that won’t meet tenure-and-promotion criteria no matter how creatively framed.

Some blocked writers try to reduce their shame by disparaging a more prolific colleague. They may devote themselves to deploring the shortcomings of their students, departments, field, and university. They may claim they are more responsive to their students — and doing more valuable service — than their too-busy-with-writing colleagues. Alternatively, some writing-stalled academics may avoid both teaching and service by proclaiming their need to focus on research — which somehow never gets written.

Colleges now are not education centers, but mating and entertainment centers. Then there are the useless degrees, pure toilet paper, many kids are being fooled into achieving, packed with class work that is utterly meaningless to life or business. Classes such as black heritage, minority studies, and gay studies, these pseudo-degrees aren’t worth the sheepskins upon which they are printed. With these troubles on the horizon, employers are fast dropping requirements for degrees for all positions.

More than half of all recent college graduates are working in jobs that do not even require a college degree. Most Americans with a bachelor’s degree under the age of 25 are either unemployed or underemployed. Most college graduates have not been able to find a job in their chosen field. In the United States today, approximately half million cashiers, half million waiters, and more than 200,000 janitors have college degrees. Only half of all law school graduates are able to find a full-time job that requires a law degree.

Parents, taxpayers, and donors have little idea of the levels of lunacy, evil and lawlessness that have become features of many of today’s institutions of higher learning. Parents, taxpayers and donors who ignore or are too lazy to find out what goes on in the name of higher education are nearly as complicit as the professors and administrators who promote or sanction the lunacy, evil, and lawlessness.

Colleges are echo chambers of political correctness and homogenous thought, a shelter for fragile egos. Today’s academic climate might be described as a mixture of infantilism, kindergarten, and totalitarianism. The radicals, draft dodgers and hippies of the 1960s who are now college administrators and professors are responsible for today’s academic climate. The infantilism should not be tolerated, but more important for the future of any nation are the totalitarianism and the nonsense being taught at many colleges.

Citizens should rise up against this totalitarian trend on college campuses. The most effective way to do so is to hit these campus tyrants where it hurts the most — in the pocketbook. Lawmakers should slash budgets, and donors should keep their money in their pockets.

There was a time when campus life meant dorm parties, Frisbees on the lawn and entering a world of ideas. Today’s campus, however, is a joyless, politically correct gulag where students are taught to confess their crimes of privilege and inform on fellow students.

Free speech died first on campus when the great works of literature were censored because they could be offensive, when comedians began to fear to visit because they might offend someone and when students became afraid to discuss ideas, dress up for a party or even tell a joke. Now, today’s students know that Bias Response Teams on hundreds of campuses are encouraging students to inform on each other. That a casual remark or humorous tweet could cost them their future.

Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut is another fine illustration of the contemporary state of Higher Education. Johnny Eric Williams, a professor in its sociology department, calls for letting whites die! Another exhibit of academic rot! Removing him would be like removing one cockroach from an infestation and thinking that the problem is solved. The pressure that is now being brought upon Williams must be brought by the public upon the whole Academic Industrial Complex, for Williams’ view is but a variant of the intellectually vapid and morally toxic ideology that dominates academia today.

Honorable universities such as the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cornell University, Stanford University, and Rice University, do not award honorary degrees as a matter of policy. The University of Virginia (founded in 1819) was the first US university to explicitly have a policy of not awarding honorary degrees at the behest of its founder, Thomas Jefferson. In 1845, dean of faculty William Barton Rogers vigorously defended this policy; in 1861, he founded MIT in Boston and continued this practice.

Colleges grant honorary degrees in exchange for large donations, influence, or publicity. It’s a form of prostitution, pure and simple! They are selling their souls in a ridiculous manner. Even Harvard, the richest university on Earth, kowtows to Islam for more petrodollars! Honorary degree recipients, particularly those who have no prior academic qualifications, have sometimes been criticized if they insist on being called Doctor as a result of their award, as the honorific may mislead the general public about their qualifications. It can be similarly misleading when respected individuals are referred to as Professor, especially in a university or government context.

The awarding of an honorary degree to political figures can prompt protests from faculty or students. In 2001, George W. Bush received an honorary degree from Yale University where he had earned his bachelor’s degree in history in 1968. Some students and faculty chose to boycott the university’s 300th commencement. Andrew Card, who served as Bush’s Chief of Staff from 2001–2006, ultimately chose not to speak when the University of Massachusetts-Amherst awarded him an honorary degree in 2007, in response to protests from students and faculty at the commencement ceremonies.

In 1985, as a deliberate snub, the University of Oxford voted to refuse Margaret Thatcher an honorary degree in protest against her cuts in funding for higher education. This award had previously been given to all prime ministers who had been educated at Oxford.

In 2005 at the University of Western Ontario, Henry Morgentaler, a gynecologist involved in a legal case decriminalizing abortion in Canada (R. v. Morgentaler), was made an honorary Doctor of Laws. Over 12,000 signatures were acquired asking the UWO to reverse its decision to honor Dr. Morgentaler. Several protest rallies were held, including one on the day the honorary degree was bestowed (a counter petition to support Morgentaler’s degree gained 10,000 signatures).

Few people object when an honorary degree is awarded in a field that the awardee is noted for. McGill University’s decision to grant musician Joni Mitchell an honorary Doctor of Music in 2004 was unopposed, although it was timed to coincide with a symposium about Mitchell’s career.

In 1996, Southampton College at Long Island University (now a campus of SUNY Stony Brook) awarded an Honorary Doctorate of Amphibious Letters to Muppet Kermit the Frog. Although some students objected to awarding a degree to a Muppet, Kermit delivered an enjoyable commencement address and the small college received considerable press coverage. The degree was conferred in recognition of efforts in the area of environmentalism. Said the university: “His theme song, ‘It’s Not Easy Bein’ Green,’ has become a rallying cry of the environmental movement. Kermit has used his celebrity to spread positive messages in public service announcements for the National Wildlife Federation, National Park Service, the Better World Society, and others.”

The Philosophy Faculty at Cambridge courted controversy amongst the academic community in March 1992, when three of its members posed a temporary veto against the awarding of an honorary doctorate to Jacques Derrida; they and other non-Cambridge proponents of analytic philosophy protested against the granting on the grounds that Derrida’s work did not conform with accepted measures of academic rigor. Although the University eventually passed the motion, the episode did more to draw attention to the continuing antipathy between the analytic (of which Cambridge’s faculty is a leading exponent) and the post-Hegelian continental philosophical traditions (with which Derrida’s work is more closely associated).

In 2007, protesters demanded that the University of Edinburgh revoke an honorary degree awarded to Zimbabwean leader Robert Mugabe in 1984. The University subsequently revealed plans to review its honorary degree policy and strip certain figures of their honorary degrees who did not deserve them. When considering revoking the honorary degree of a political figure, such reasons as human rights abuse or political corruption would be considered. As a result, it was announced that Mugabe had been stripped of his honorary degree. The University also planned to have a more rigorous selection procedure regarding potential recipients of honorary degrees, in an attempt to rectify the trend of awarding degrees to celebrities. Students at the University of Massachusetts Amherst also asked the university to revoke the honorary degree that was awarded to Mugabe over twenty years ago, and on June 12, 2008 the trustees unanimously rescinded Robert Mugabe’s honorary degree. Michigan State University has also rescinded its honorary degree.

In April 2009, Arizona State University’s President Michael M. Crow refused to give an honorary degree to US President Barack Obama for his lack of adequate qualifying achievements thus far. Also, controversy was ignited about Notre Dame awarding Obama an honorary degree, as the institution is Roman Catholic and Obama holds pro-choice views on abortion and supports embryonic stem cell research.

In February 2012, Rosmah Mansor, the wife of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak was controversially awarded an honorary doctorate by the Curtin University for services to childhood education. The university honored Rosmah for founding and driving the Permata early childhood centrers in Malaysia although some alumni and students contended that the government-funded centers are an abuse of taxpayers’ money.

Between 1985 and 2014, dozens of colleges and universities awarded honorary degrees to Bill Cosby, who became widely accused of serial rape in 2014 and 2015. Because of the sheer number of allegations; an unsealed 2005 court deposition in which Cosby admitted to giving drugs to women he wanted to have sex with; and an increasing movement for universities to send strong no-tolerance messages about sexual violence, nearly 20 colleges and universities have rescinded his honorary degrees, many of which had never previously enacted such a measure.

When new students arrive, all fresh-faced and excited, at universities around the globe, they are thrilled at the prospect of escaping the wagging finger of mum and dad, eager to absorb new ideas. But they are in for a rude awakening. They soon find themselves enveloped in a world that’s more censorious than stimulating and taught not to question ideas but to learn by heart the progressive creed. It will take a brave and resilient youngster to survive university with their intellectual curiosity intact.

Every aspect of campus life, from what you can say to how you should party, is minutely policed by the Stepford Students. ‘No Platform’ policies strictly govern who can speak on campus. Anybody, no matter what their political background or supposedly liberal credentials, can find themselves shunted off campus for having the wrong opinion in the eyes of the Stasi of student politics.

Safe Spaces, controversy-free zones where students who find the real world brutalizing can weep and hug emotional support animals, are almost compulsory. Libertarian publications are blacklisted. Thanks to the youthful jackboots of the National Union of Students, and the lily-livered vice-chancellors who bow down to them, the list of the undoable, unsayable and unthinkable grows longer every year. The adults have gone AWOL.

Any student society whose worldview isn’t a carbon copy of that of the NUS lives under permanent threat of censorship. Israel Society events are shouted down, pro-life groups are denied space at freshers’ fairs. At University College London, a Nietzsche Society was banned for fear it might stoke far-right thinking. Thus Spake the Censor.

The message from student officialdom is relentless: think like us, or else. The result is that university becomes less and less like university. They now resemble factories of conformism, training their student body not to think freely but to fear the eccentric, hide from the provocative, and prize their self-esteem more highly than their intellectual development.

Campus craziness has intensified. Worse, it has Americanized. Not content with subjecting our dreaming spires to No Platforming and middle-class prejudices about tabloid newspapers and lad culture, these young clones are gaily importing the worst excesses of America’s hysterical campus culture. This is very bad news, because if you look at what is happening on America’s campuses, you get a terrifying insight into the baleful influence that identity politics can have on everyday life and liberty. The trouble is that the safe-space mentality doesn’t stay contained on campus. Year after graduating year, students who have been trained to see safety as preferable to liberty and difficult questions as wounding to their self-esteem head out into the world, taking their ‘safe space’ mentality with them. Like B-movie blobs, safe spaces are breaking free and now threaten to swallow up public life.

America’s student radicals regularly punish speakers they disagree with. Student agitators at Brandeis University managed to cancel an honorary degree for Ayaan Hirsi Ali on the basis that she’s Islamophobic. Students at Middlebury College in Vermont physically assaulted an academic who was trying to protect Charles Murray, an invited speaker they considered racist. Antifa activists and students at Berkeley started fires to prevent the alt-right Brit provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos from speaking. Berkeley was the birthplace of the Free Speech Movement in the 1960s, when students demanded more debate, not less. The anti-Milo protesters even burnt a replica of the simple banner reading Free Speech.

Our own student leaders assume their peers are morally feeble and must be protected from sore words or controversy. But in the US, they’ve gone deeper. Campus authoritarianism is darker, more driven by race. It governs not only ideology and opinion, but everyday conversation, and even dress. In the US, the student Stasi furiously condemn cultural appropriation, which is when a member of one racial group borrows the culture of another. They minutely police interaction between blacks and whites. Watch last year’s video of a black student at San Francisco State University physically confronting a white student with dreadlocks, and threatening to cut off his dreads because ‘that is my culture’, and you’ll see how terrifying this racial myopia can be. Watch the film of Yale students screaming hysterically in the face of a lecturer who had said that people should be able to wear whatever they wanted at Halloween and not worry about cultural insensitivity, and you will see the sheer intolerance that the cult of student sensitivity has unleashed.

Or observe what happened at Evergreen State College in Washington in May. When the biology professor Bret Weinstein refused to take part in a proposed day of racial segregation — a Day of Absence, students called it, when whites would agree not to turn up to college — all hell broke loose. Student mobs invaded lectures, they demanded Weinstein’s resignation, and they effectively imprisoned university bosses in their offices and refused to let them leave until they agreed to the students’ foul, divisive agenda. This was a step on from Stepford Students — this was Lord of the Flies-style student authoritarianism: menacing youths using mob tactics to enforce their reactionary program.

Whether we like to admit it or not, in Occident we tend to ape American culture, especially youth culture. And now our students, always on the lookout for new ways to assert their tinpot authority, are beginning to imitate what’s happening across the Atlantic.

This year, Oxford’s equality and diversity unit warned staff that failing to make eye contact with certain students could be construed as racist, and that asking a student about his or her origins is a micro-aggression liable to worsen mental ill health. Oxford then rowed back on this advice on the grounds that it might be seen as discriminatory against people with autism who can’t look others in the eye. The NUS has declared war on racial micro-aggressions, which it describes as covert subtle forms of racism. It means everyday banter and blips in conversation that have no racist intent whatsoever but which the union feels must be policed anyhow.

Just as American colleges are under pressure to remove statues of old problematic white men, so the Institute of Psychiatry, Psychology and Neuroscience at King’s College London this year announced it would remove all the portraits and statues of its founders because… well, they’re all white. This historical cleansing of KCL to pre-empt and halt the racial fury of student radicals will of course only intensify student demands for racial correctness. Students want a Cecil Rhodes bust at Oriel College, Oxford, removed, for curricula across the country to be de-colonized, and for black students not to be expected to read so much white philosophy. That was in a demand by students at SOAS this year that ‘white philosophers’, including Enlightenment thinkers like Kant, be dropped from the syllabus in order to make black students feel less isolated.

The nasty, paternalistic American politics of racial thinking is imposed wholesale on British campus life — even though Britain’s social history is considerably less blighted by racism than America’s. In the past academic year, Cambridge was slammed by students for serving culturally insensitive food (exotic dishes that didn’t properly reflect the countries they claimed to be from); the musical Aida was cancelled at Bristol University following a student revolt over white students portraying Egyptian slaves; and Edinburgh University’s self-styled fancy-dress police insisted students mustn’t ever dress up as Pocahontas.

If our censorious students are going to import America’s campus insanity, they need to know that means they will also import its consequences. And those consequences are dire. No one can imagine that it’s a good thing to create a generation unable to stomach things it dislikes or disagrees with. How are they to survive in a pluralistic democracy? It’s vital to be able to hear people out, to have civilized disagreement, to engage in debate, to change your mind.

The safe space, by guarding students from the disagreeable, is churning out an army of hypersensitive dogmatists. We can see this in the US with the outburst of statue-smashing. And we can see it in Europe with the alarming revelation that fewer and fewer young people believe in freedom of speech and democracy.

This is what happens when we socialize youths to think censorship is good and other people’s opinions are bad, to believe mental safety is better than zany liberty: they lose faith in freedom and democracy. They will leave uni and populate public life with these views. This is how liberty dies.

We have had nearly enough bullshit. The manure has piled up so deep in hallways, classrooms, and administration buildings of higher education that we are not sure how much longer we can wade through it and retain our sanity and integrity.

Even worse, the accumulated effects of all the academic BS are contributing to disastrous political conditions and, ultimately, putting at risk the very viability and character of decent civilization.

BS is the university’s loss of capacity to grapple with life’s Big Questions, because of our crisis of faith in truth, reality, reason, evidence, argument, civility, and our common humanity.

BS is the farce of what are actually fragmentversities claiming to be universities, of hyperspecialization and academic disciplines unable to talk with each other about obvious shared concerns.

BS is the expectation that a good education can be provided by institutions modeled organizationally on factories, state bureaucracies, and shopping malls — that is, by enormous universities processing hordes of students as if they were livestock, numbers waiting in line, and shopping consumers.

BS is universities hijacked by the relentless pursuit of money and prestige, including chasing rankings that they know are deeply flawed, at the expense of genuine educational excellence, to be distinguished from the vacuous “excellence” peddled by recruitment and “advancement” offices in every run-of-the-mill university.

BS is the ideologically infused jargon deployed by various fields to stake out in-group self-importance and insulate them from accountability to those not fluent in such solipsistic language games.

BS is a tenure system that provides guaranteed lifetime employment to faculty who are lousy teachers and inactive scholars, not because they espouse unpopular viewpoints that need the protection of academic freedom, but only because years ago they somehow were granted tenure.

BS is the shifting of the burden of teaching undergraduate courses from traditional tenure-track faculty to miscellaneous, often-underpaid adjunct faculty and graduate students.

BS is states pounding their chests over their great public universities even while their legislatures cut higher-education budgets year after year after year.

BS is the institutional reward system that coerces graduate students and faculty to get published as soon and as much as possible, rather than to take the time to mature intellectually and produce scholarship of real importance — leading to a raft of books and articles that contribute little to our knowledge about human concerns that matter.

BS is third-tier universities offering mediocre graduate programs to train second-rate Ph.D. students for jobs that do not exist, whose real function is to provide faculty with graduate RAs and to justify the title of university.

BS is undergraduate core curricula that are actually not core course systems but loose sets of distribution requirements, representing uneasy truces between turf-protecting divisions and departments intent on keeping their classes full, which students typically then come to view as impositions to get out of the way.

BS is the grossly lopsided political ideology of the faculty of many disciplines, especially in the humanities and social sciences, creating a homogeneity of worldview to which those faculties are themselves oblivious, despite claiming to champion difference, diversity, and tolerance.

BS is hypercommercialized college athletics and administrations sucking the teats of big money, often in the process exploiting and discarding rather than educating student athletes, and recurrently corrupting recruitment programs, tutoring services, and grading systems.

BS is the ascendant culture of offense that shuts down the open exchange of ideas and mutual accountability to reason and argument. It is university leaders’ confused and fearful capitulation to that secular neo-fundamentalist speech-policing.

BS is the invisible self-censorship that results among some students and faculty, and the subtle corrective training aimed at those who occasionally do not self-censor.

BS is the only semi-intelligible outbursts of antagonism from enraged outsiders incited by academe’s suppressions of open argument, which primarily work to validate and reinforce the self-assured superiority of the suppressors, and sometimes to silence other legitimate voices.

BS is the anxiety that haunts some faculty at public universities about expressing their well-considered but unorthodox beliefs, for fear of being hounded by closed-minded students and parents or targeted by grandstanding politicians.

BS is the standard undergraduate student mentality, fostered by our entire culture, that sees college as essentially about credentials and careers (money), on the one hand, and partying oneself into stupefaction on the other.

All of this BS in the academy is mortally corrosive of our larger culture and politics. Ideas and their accompanying practices have consequences. What is formed in colleges and universities over decades shows up for better or worse in the character and quality of our public servants, political campaigns, public-policy debates, citizen participation, social capital, media programming, lower school education, consumer preferences, business ethics, entertainments, and much more. And the long-term corrosive effects on politics and culture can also be repaired only over the long term, if ever. There are no quick fixes here.

Many thoughtful people in higher education today are well aware of different piles of BS around them. Fewer seem to recognize the magnitude of the mounds of it that have accumulated and how badly they defile us. Most people involved also feel helpless to fight it, don’t want to risk careers that benefit from the status quo, or are professional boosters of the existing system and so are obliged to yammer on about how great everything is.

JAILED JOURNALISTS IN TURKEY

By Abdullah Bozkurt

Although there are varying figures on the number of jailed journalists and media workers in Turkey from different advocacy groups, one thing that is certain is that the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is the leading jailer of journalists in the world. In fact, Turkey has broken the world record with a number that exceeds all the other notorious performers on freedom of the press, earning the title of predator for the country’s repressive leader.

The consensus is that there has been a systematic, deliberate and thorough campaign to silence critical voices and a crackdown on freedom of expression in the NATO member and EU-candidate country. When it comes to actual figures on the number of journalists jailed in Turkey, however, the numbers vary greatly to the point that it would be difficult, though not impossible, to explain the differences in methodology and in the definition of media practitioners. Considering that even one jailed journalist is one too many, why would different organizations that boast of defending freedom of the press ignore some while compiling their lists?

For the journalist organizations in Turkey, the answer is easy and straightforward. The historically deep-rooted institutional bias and ideological slant in some, coupled with polarization in the Turkish media landscape, continue to cloud judgment of who would be classified as a journalist when compiling the lists. The acute problem of divisions in Turkey among journalists and journalist associations that have been exacerbated with the growing pressure on the media in recent years may partially explain differences in the figures coming out of Turkey. The Erdoğan regime has craftily exploited this polarization and division and perpetuated the constant fear of a government clampdown on journalists. Today, the regime directly or indirectly controls nearly all media outlets in Turkey, letting only a few with limited reach and small circulation survive.

Beyond Turkey, however, the downplaying of the number of jailed journalists by reputable organizations such as the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) is a completely different issue and certainly begs further explanation. When the CPJ made the same mistake in 2016 in a list of jailed journalists in Turkey and identified only 81, it was missing dozens of names, some of them prominent journalists. When asked, the CPJ said this omission was attributed to a failure to link them to professional journalistic activity. It was frustrating and disheartening to see that an organization such as the CPJ simply overlooked so many people because it thought the retribution had nothing to do with critical journalism.

My exiled journalist colleagues and I in Sweden had decided to closely examine jailed journalists in Turkey and compile our own list to recognize their names, their work and accomplishments in the field of journalism. Saying that they will not be forgotten is the least we can do for our colleagues who were not lucky enough to escape the brutal regime of President Erdoğan. We have worked on the list for months, with many challenges in verifying the information through friends, family members and lawyers who were afraid to speak up and even share basic information such as in which prison jailed journalists were being held and when the arrests took place. But we had managed to identify 191 names as of January 2017.

To our dismay, we were unable to recognize 27 people who worked for state broadcaster the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT). The arrest of 29 TRT employees was reported in the Turkish media without one of them bothering to mention their names. We were able to find out about only two of them by the time we published the report. When we eventually discovered the names of the rest of the TRT reporters, we kept the updated list of jailed and wanted journalists lists on the website of the Stockholm Center for Freedom (SCF), an advocacy group that was set up by exiled Turkish journalists like myself. The SCF numbers have been shared across the globe by many media outlets, and we’re happy to see that our friends who are languishing behind bars are being recognized.

On Dec. 13, 2017 the CPJ put out a new census report listing 73 journalists as being bars for their journalistic work in Turkey, less than what it reported a year earlier. When compared to the list maintained and regularly updated by SCF, the New-York based CPJ was missing 182 names. Frankly, that is a huge difference that cannot be justified by anything that makes sense, even when factoring in the different definition of media practitioner and the claim of failure to verify their imprisonment as being a result of their professional journalistic activity. It is sad, actually, because the Turkish government often puts forward a similar argument when confronted with questions on jailed journalists. They are not jailed because of their profession but due to ‘terrorism,” “coup-plotting,” “espionage,” “defamation” and other trumped-up charges.

As expected, most of the missing names are those of people who worked for state broadcaster TRT and state news agency Anadolu. More precisely, 74 journalists and media workers at TRT and nine at Anadolu were not on the CPJ list. Since most of these names were not reported publicly except in the total figures, it may be difficult for the CPJ to access them. For SCF, it took months to verify the names by reaching out to several people who managed to flee Turkey. The only person the CPJ put on its list from TRT is Seyit Kılıç, whose name was included in one of the major press freedom cases in which 29 journalists and media workers including prominent reporters were tried on fabricated terrorism and coup plotting charges. However, SCF put these names out for the public record long before the CPJ compiled the 2017 list, and it could have very well examined them and run its own investigation. But it apparently did not. With these standards, is the CPJ effectively saying that if you are working for, say, BBC or PBS, you may not qualify as a journalist? Perhaps.

The most notable exclusion from the TRT list is prominent journalist Ahmet Böken, who has been jailed since Aug. 11, 2016. If this man is not a journalist, then I don’t know who is. He helped transform public broadcaster TRT into a popular network and won an award for an impressive job in Venice after competing against 120 channels from 19 countries. He served as a juror for the Emmy Awards sponsored by the International Academy of Television Arts and Sciences. Since he graduated from Ankara University’s faculty of communications in 1994, Böken had worked as a reporter, editor, news presenter and news director for the private Samanyolu network. He also wrote columns for the network’s news website. When the network launched a 24-hour news broadcast network in 2007, he became its chief editor. The government tapped his talent in 2010 when he was offered the opportunity to run the TRT Haber news channel. He gave lectures on broadcasting at university communications faculties. There is nothing that can justify the CPJ’s leaving his name off its list of jailed journalists.

The problematic approach in the CPJ list is seen with respect to journalists who worked for privately run media outlets as well. For example, Ahmet Sağır, who worked for the pro-government Türkiye daily, was listed by the CPJ after he was dismissed from the newspaper and arrested a week later on charges of membership in the Gülen movement and alleged use of popular messaging application ByLock. However, Nur Ener, a reporter whose name appeared on headline stories in the critical national Yeni Asya daily did not make the list when she was charged and arrested on similar charges. She had been jailed since March 6, 2017 and was accused of using the ByLock app and of links to a terrorist group. She was released pending trial on Feb. 20, 2018. Likewise, Aslıhan Aydın, who I had the pleasure of working with in the Zaman daily’s Ankara office, was ignored by the CPJ as well. Aydın is a well-known female journalist in the Ankara media community who was bylined on many lead stories for Turkey’s one-time largest daily and who interviewed prominent figures for the paper. She is also accused of using ByLock and membership in a terrorist organization and has been in jail since June 28, 2017.

Let’s continue to examine the CPJ list and try to make sense of what methodology, if any, they use for jailed journalists to qualify for inclusion on the list. The CPJ lists Mustafa Ünal and Vahit Yazgan, bureau chiefs for Ankara and İzmir, respectively, as journalists behind bars. But it overlooks jailed Zaman bureau chief in Diyarbakır Aziz İstegün (he was convicted but released pending appeal), Konya Bureau Chief Şirin Kabakçı, Bursa Bureau Chief Enis Öznük and Erzurum Bureau Chief Ersin Demirci. The names of all these senior journalists appeared in the bylines of major headline stories in the Zaman daily and were well-known figures in the regions in which they served. The indictments the prosecutors filed against all of them cite the same anti-terror and coup plotting charges, and the so-called evidence is nothing but their published articles, tweets and comments. Why the CPJ would list some bureau chiefs and ignore others who worked for the same national daily begs further questions.

Another missing name from the CPJ list is that of 55-year-old Hidayet Karaca, an accomplished journalist who had managed the critical Samanyolu TV network for years and was jailed on Dec. 14, 2014 when police raided the station. He had spent four years in pretrial detention before he was sentenced to 31 years’ imprisonment in one case. There are other cases pending against him as well. Karaca served for years as chairman of the boards of directors of a number of media associations such as the Television Broadcasters Association and Television Audience Measurement (TİAK).

He actually comes from print journalism where he worked as bureau chief for the Zaman daily in both Ankara and Izmir provinces. He moved to broadcast journalism in 1999. During his trial hearings, Karaca explained that the fabricated charges against him were nothing but the result of the network’s coverage of corruption investigations that came to public notice during the Dec. 17-25, 2013 period and which implicated President Erdoğan himself, his family members and several of his cabinet ministers. In the second indictment, which was accepted by a court on July 22, 2016, just a week after a controversial coup attempt in Turkey on July 15, 2016, Karaca was accused of attempting to overthrow the government, although he had been in jail since December 2014.

Mehmet Kuru, a reporter who worked for Zaman in Eskisehir province, was listed on the CPJ list in 2017 but was removed the next year. Although he was released pending trial, Kuru was rearrested during the final hearing of the trial, on Oct. 18, 2017, when he was convicted and sentenced to serve six years, three months on completely fabricated charges. It appears the CPJ did not follow up on his case and did not update his current status, despite the fact that there has been ample time to do so since October 2017.

Another example that shows sloppy work on the part of the CPJ is the exclusion of jailed reporter Fahrettin Kılıç, who worked for pro-Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) magazine Özgür Toplum, while including Aslı Ceren Aslan, who worked for the Özgür Gelecek magazine, also a pro-PKK publication. Kılıç has been jailed since March 31, 2017. The selective listing simply does not make any sense. Likewise, the CPJ listed Ayhan Demir, the owner of local news website Çaldıran Haber Ajansı, as among jailed journalists while excluding Burçin Dokgöz, the owner of another news website, Çorum Vizyon, who has been jailed since Aug. 21, 2016. Both are charged under abusive anti-terrorism laws.

For some reason, some journalists and media workers who were employed by the Cihan News Agency, once the largest privately funded news service and owned by Feza Gazetecilik, were selected for inclusion on the list, while many others were left out. The CPJ did not put eight Cihan journalists — Abdurrahim Ersöz, Ahmet Metin Sekizkardeş, Beytullah Özdemir, Fahri Öztoprak, Kazım Canlan, Murat Avcıoğlu, Ömer Oruç and Şinasi Gözüm – on the list.

One would think the CPJ perhaps made a decision to exclude the names of people who worked in administrative or support departments in line with their methodology. When going through the list, that rule, if it exists, does not seem to be applied, or was selectively used. For example, Akın Atalay, chairman of the board of directors of the leftist Cumhuriyet daily, is included on the list. Again, Cumhuriyet attorney Bülent Utku also made the CPJ’s list before. Sadık Demir, the owner of local radio station Radyo Karacadağ, also qualified. None of these people have anything to do with journalistic work except that they are associated with a daily and a radio station in different capacities. On the other hand, the Zaman daily’s senior managers Yakup Şimşek, Metin Sekizkardeş and Alaattin Güner and its attorney Ali Odabaşı were excluded from the CPJ list. While the owner of Karacadağ was approved by the CPJ, the radio’s jailed employees Mizgin Çay and Salih Erbekler were not.

When it comes to columnists for dailies, the CPJ also uses a selective methodology that is difficult to comprehend. For example, singer Atilla Taş made the CPJ’s list last year for writing a column for the critical Meydan daily, which was shut down by the government in 2016. He was not on this year’s list because he was released pending trial. If writing a column for a newspaper is an adequate criterion for inclusion on the CPJ list, then why we do not see the names of other jailed columnists such as economist Abdülkadir Civan, who wrote for Today’s Zaman, or academic Sedat Laçiner, who wrote for the shuttered Haberdar news website. Veteran journalists and columnists Nuh Gönültaş and Mehmet Gündem are also missing from the CPJ list. The former had regularly been writing for the closed down Bugün daily, while the latter wrote for the Milliyet newspaper.

Let me continue with Havva Çuştan, who was jailed on Oct. 19, 2017 while working for the ETHA news agency, reportedly close to the outlawed Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLKP). She was listed by the CPJ, while Turkish-German journalist Meşela Tolu, who also worked for ETHA as a volunteer reporter and translator, was not. Assuming that the CPJ made a distinction between a journalist and media worker in its methodology for ETHA’s jailed employees, why would the same criterion not be applied to others on the CPJ list? Tolu was luckily released from jail after the CPJ published its list.

Another puzzle in the CPJ list is that some of the jailed journalists who stood trial in the same case were not included. For example, in one of the largest press freedom cases in Turkey in which 29 journalists and media workers were tried and many were later sentenced to lengthy prison terms, the CPJ excluded prominent journalists from the list. For example, Oğuz Usluer, a former news coordinator at HaberTürk TV, who has been behind bars since Dec. 28, 2016, and National Party (UP) leader and Türk Solu weekly columnist Gökçe Fırat Çulhaoğlu, who was arrested on Aug. 2, 2016, were not included, while most of the defendants in the same case were listed by the CPJ. Again most of the journalists in a press freedom case in Turkey’s southeastern province of Antalya were listed by the CPJ, while Serhat Şeftali of the Zaman daily was excluded.

Last but not least in the long list of omissions by the CPJ is award-winning radio programmer and journalist Serkan Sedat Güray, who has been incarcerated in Turkey’s notorious Silivri Prison since March 7, 2017 on fabricated charges of terrorism. Güray, a 42-year-old journalist, was detained on March 3, 2016 for allegedly insulting President Erdoğan but was released on his own recognizance. He was detained by the police once again on Feb. 22, 2017 and spent 17 days in detention before he was formally arrested on March 7, 2017 under abusive anti-terror laws. A graduate of Turkey’s prestigious Bilkent University’s Department of American Culture and Literature, Güray started his media career at Burç FM in 1993 as a newsreader. Later, he worked for popular radio networks such as Radio Blue, Radyo Bilkent, Dünya Radyo, Power FM, Capital Broadcasting Network and Samanyolu News Radio. In 2007 he was recognized as the best program producer in Europe by the GTN European Radio Awards Committee. The following year he received the best radio theatre producer award from the Association of National Radio Broadcasters in Turkey. He was unable to make the CPJ’s jailed journalists list.

More examples can be cited to illustrate discrepancies in the CPJ’s coverage of jailed journalists in Turkey, but the ones I have mentioned thus far should be more than enough to shed light on the sloppy work done by the CPJ. I understand well that it is quite challenging to collect reliable information on the ground in Turkey because of the massive crackdown and unprecedented attack on freedom of the press in the country. The government does not share data on jailed journalists and publicly claims there are no journalists behind bars in Turkey, at least not for their professional work. Let’s not forget that these people all have reputations, faces, friends and families. They have spent years in the field of journalism in various positions. The least we can do is to remember their names and send a message to the Turkish government that we won’t forget them no matter what absurd explanations the government puts forward and what charges it levels against these great people who have lost their freedom.

Of course, the CPJ has been compiling such lists for years in many countries. It brings a broad range of experience to the field and certainly deserves huge credit for highlighting press freedom cases and raising awareness of the plight of journalists around the world. In this business, credibility is of utmost importance, and the CPJ and other journalist advocacy groups must tread carefully so as to not expose themselves to exploitation by governments that will try to undermine their work. They must be as cautious as possible to make sure their work is solid. However, when looking at the Turkish case, one cannot help but wonder what safeguards the CPJ has in place to make sure that its list is thorough and free of mistakes and omissions. If it made so many errors in the Turkey file, then is it not fair to ask the question of whether it might have made similar mistakes while covering other countries as well.

I know this is not an exact science and that there are differing methodologies in this kind of advocacy work. The available resources, organizational capacity, qualified researchers, reliable networks, trusted sources and other issues pose challenges all the time. The repression, threats and climate of fear fostered by the Erdoğan government further complicate the work done by journalist organizations. Nevertheless, the huge difference between the CPJ numbers and those of SCF cannot be fully explained by any of this. Granted, SCF adopts the more liberal approach of listing all media workers and journalists because of the full-frontal attack by the Turkish government on critical media outlets and their employees. The arrest of support personal and other media practitioners in the Turkish case is directly related to the crackdown on freedom of the press and serves as an intimidation tactic by the government. SCF is not free from mistakes and omissions, either. In fact, when the CPJ list for the year 2017 was examined, it turned out that SCF had missed the names of three local journalists and updated its list to include them as well. Since it started publishing the data on its website, SCF has received about a dozen inquiries that led to adding new names to the list.

Let’s be frank. Turkey, the worst jailer of journalists in the world, represents a unique case with the intensity and depth of the crackdown and the number of those jailed. The professional and academic discussion on the definition of the media profession has almost lost its meaning in the Turkish context. Whether one works on the corporate side of a critical newspaper or in its distribution network, the Turkish government targets him or her because of the content and editorial policy of the paper for which he or she works. As of March 26, 2018, SCF had documented 245 journalists and media workers as behind bars, with 56 of them already convicted on dubious charges. The Erdogan regime seeks to arrest an additional 140 journalists who are either at large in Turkey or in self-exile abroad. Let’s not buy into the Erdoğan government narrative, but rather recognize all these journalists for the work they contributed to the public discussion in whatever capacity they served. Cherry-picking will only benefit the predators of press freedom.